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Art Farmer, Benny Golson and The Jazztet

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“It's amazing when you think back about how many great musicians were working together then. You need a little mileage to see how good it was."

While reading the above statement by tenor saxophonist, composer, arranger Benny Golson in Bob Blumenthal’s notes to the booklet that accompanies The Complete Argo/Mercury Art Farmer/Benny Golson/Jazztet Sessions  [Mosaic MD7-225], it brought to mind the seemingly endless recombinations of musicians into combos that populated the New York Jazz scene in the 1950’s and 60’s.

One of my favorite combos from this era was the Jazztet. The group’s music was particularly appealing to me because it was made in the form of a sextet that added a trombone bass clef to the usual treble clef, front line of trumpet and tenor saxophone and because as Gene Lees noted in his 1960 essay for Downbeat about the Jazztet’s music:" [it offered] a balanced amalgam of formal written structure and free blowing — the long-sought Grail of jazz."

More about the Jazztet’s personnel, how the group came about and its uniqueness is contained in the following excerpts from Bob Blumenthal’s insert notes to the seven-disc Mosaic Records set which Bob has graciously allowed us to feature on these pages.

One of the musicians who seemed to be “everywhere” on the New York Jazz scene in the late 1950s and early 1960s was pianist Cedar Walton who before joining the Jazztet was with trombonist J.J. Johnson sextet. After his stint with the Jazztet, Cedar joined Art Blakey’s Jazz Messengers. Not a bad five years of work. Cedar has always been one of my favorite Jazz pianists and he is featured performing Randy Weston’s Hi-Fly on the Jazztet video that closes this piece.

© -Bob Blumenthal, copyright protected, all rights reserved and used with the author’s permission.

“The three years of music in this collection represent one peak in two exceptional jazz careers. Art Farmer (August 21, 1928—October 4, 1999) enjoyed, and Benny Golson (horn January 29, 1929) still enjoys, varied and lengthy lives as musicians, with several triumphs as soloists and, in Golson's case, composer/arranger. As a team, they left a recorded trail of their collaborations that spans four decades, yet the pinnacle of that association was clearly the sextet they co-led under the name the Jazztet. While Farmer, Golson and original member Curtis Fuller revived the group 20 years after it had initially disbanded, the six original Jazztet albums included here remain at the core of the Farmer/Golson legacy.

Farmer and Golson hardly set their individual development aside during the time of their partnership. As the six additional sessions here underscore, they were making great strides as soloists — Farmer, in his shift from trumpet to flugelhorn, and Golson through a stretch of stylistic soul-searching that (his compelling performances here notwithstanding) ultimately led him to set aside the saxophone. Yet, as with many successful partnerships, the Jazztet experience allowed them to reach beyond individual glory in search of a collective goal that Gene Lees described in a 1960 Down Beat cover story as "a balanced amalgam of formal written structure and free blowing — the long-sought Grail of jazz." The band's failure to achieve sustained commercial success says much about how the jazz world revised this notion of balance as an ultimate goal during the years in question.

A soft-spoken style combined with equally determined personalities and a wealth of similar experience made Farmer and Golson natural partners. Farmer was born in Council Bluffs, Iowa and raised in Arizona. By the time he was 16, he and his twin brother, bassist Addison Farmer, were living in Los Angeles and part of a youthful coterie (also including Sonny Criss, Teddy Edwards and Hampton Hawes) that eagerly greeted the West Coast arrival of Dizzy Gillespie and Charlie Parker in 1945. Work with the rhythm and blues band of Johnny Otis brought Farmer to New York, where he remained for a couple of years before returning to California for work with such modernists as Dexter Gordon and Wardell Gray. A seat in Lionel Hampton's trumpet section brought Farmer back Fast in 1953. Golson, a Philadelphia native who came of age with fellow saxophonists Jimmy Heath and John Coltrane, attended Howard University for two-and-a-half years, and then traveled with various rock and roll bands before landing a job in Atlantic City with Tadd Dameron during the summer of 1953.

"My relationship with Art goes back to 1953," Golson recalled recently. "What happened was that Clifford Brown, Gigi Gryce, Cecil Payne, Jymie Merritt, Philly Joe Jones and I were all working with Tadd, while Quincy Jones, Monk Montgomery. Alan Dawson and Art were already in Hamp's band. Quincy heard Tadd's group one night then went back and told Hamp about Clifford, Gigi and me. I would have left for that European tour that Clifford and Gigi made, but Tadd's manager made me stay so that I could tutor all of the new guys they had to bring in. I did end up in the Hampton band myself for a hot minute, although I didn't last long because Hamp and I couldn't come to terms financially. It's amazing when you think back about how many great musicians were working together then. You need a little mileage to see how good it was."

For the next few years after their Hampton experience, Farmer and Golson followed distinct yet related paths. Farmer began recording under his own name for Prestige in 1953 (an affiliation that would last three years), then
issued albums on ABC-Paramount and Contemporary; but with the exception of a few months in 1955 during which he co-led a quintet with Gryce in 1955, the trumpeter spent most of this period working as a sideman, primarily with Horace Silver and Gerry Mulligan. In addition, because Farmer was excellent as both a reader and an improviser, he became one of the most active personalities in what were still the thriving New York City recording studios. Golson made his mark as well, primarily through his writing skills. James Moody was the first to record Golson's music in 1955, and Miles Davis helped make STABLEMATES Golson's first jazz standard in that same year; but Golson's big break came when he joined Dizzy Gillespie's reorganized big band in 1956. The stint with Gillespie helped to popularize other Golson classics such as WHISPER NOT and I REMEMBER CLIFFORD, and finally brought about his recording debut as a leader on Contemporary in 1957 — BENNY GOLSON'S NEW YORK SCENE, with Farmer featured on trumpet. A year later, in a brief stint as musical director of Art Blakey's Jazz Messengers, Golson was the primary force behind the popular Blakey recording that included Bobby Timmons' MOANIN' as well as three of Golson's own compositions. When Golson left Blakey after a European tour at the end of 1958, he got together with trombonist Curtis Fuller. "Curtis and I went into the Five Spot for two weeks, and stayed for months after that," Golson explains. It was during this period that the pair recorded four albums together under Golson's name for Riverside and Prestige/ New Jazz and three under Fuller's for Savoy. One of the latter, ARABIA, was issued under the name of the Curtis Fuller Jazztet.

At the same time, Farmer and Golson were solidifying the relationship they had inaugurated in the Hampton band six years earlier. "Art and I were thrown into each other's company in the New York studios, on albums like George Russell's NEW YORK, N.Y., and I just loved how he played," the saxophonist recalls. Oscar Pettiford, Jimmy Cleveland, Abbey Lincoln and Milt Jackson also found occasion to employ the trumpeter and tenorman on the same record dates. By the end of 1958 both Golson and Farmer were recording for the United Artists label. Golson appeared on Farmer's quintet album MODERN ART and contributed two compositions as well as all of the arrangements for the trumpeter's tentet album BRASS SHOUT. "I was interested in forming a sextet at the time," Golson says. "There were so many quintets around, and I wanted to hear one more voice in the band. When I called Art with the idea, he just started laughing, because he was ready to leave Gerry Mulligan and had been about to call me to be the tenor saxophonist in his new sextet."

The pair came up with a straightforward solution lor completing the bund. "We decided to each pick two ol the other sidemen," Golson explains. "Art picked his brother Addison as the bassist and drummer Dave Bailey, who had also been in the Mulligan quartet. I wanted Curtis as the trombonist, and this 19-year-old pianist I had worked a job with in Philadelphia named McCoy Tyner. Art had to be persuaded about McCoy because he had never heard him — not many people had at that point — but it was my choice and he ultimately went along."

Kay Norton, an executive with the United Artists label who would take producer or co-producer credit for the majority of the albums in this collection, became the manager of the new band. An official debut gig was obtained at New York's Five Spot in November 1959, on the bill that introduced the Ornette Coleman quartet to the East Coast. All that was lacking was a name for the new ensemble. "Art and I couldn't come up with anything," Golson laughs, "and we finally asked Curtis Fuller if we could use 'Jazztet,' which he had coined for one of our Savoy sessions. So while the Jazztet was always Art's and my band, it was Curtis' name."”


Shelly Manne and His Men "Live" at The Manne Hole

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Enthusiasm” palpably exudes from the following insert notes by the esteemed Jazz critic and author Leonard Feather which he penned for the double LP Shelly Manne and His Men "Live" at The Manne Hole [Contemporary S-7593/94 and Original Jazz Classics OJCCD 714/15-2].


And why not?


They were written as part of the continuing celebration associated with the opening of Shelly Manne’s Jazz club - The Manne Hole - just five months earlier in November, 1960.


Recorded in performance at the club on March 3-5, 1961, the tracks on this double LP were the first “live” recordings ever made at The Manne Hole.


Exuberance; excitement; ebullience - all were a part of the experience for Jazz musicians and Jazz fans when Shelly gave the gift of this club to the Los Angeles Jazz Community. During its 12 year history, the sounds of Jazz emanating from The Manne Hole would be enjoyed on an international scale as Jazz fans from many parts of the world visited this unique setting.


Over the years, I’ve read many of Leonard’s liner notes to Jazz albums. In my opinion, those that follow are among his best. He couldn’t have composed them for a more deserving subject.


The Host


SHELLY MANNE'S is one of the few successful operations of its kind, namely: a club actually financed by a name jazzman who plays there himself. In associating himself with a spot for which he could not only put up his own money, but also guarantee his own physical, swinging presence. Shelly knew he was gambling in an area that has long been one of the most hazardous in show business. His investment, in effect, was 40% faith, 40% courage, and 20% cash. Certainly the undertaking was not an attempt to get rich quick. In any case, that would be a near-impossibility without a liquor license and a larger room. Money was not his main object, for with or without the club, he has been as busy and successful a musician as any in the country. "What I really wanted was a place where I and other musicians would be free to play jazz without compromising musically in any way!'


But running a club has its responsibilities. "It's strange how different things look when you see them from the other side,” he said recently. "When I was a musician only, I'd get up on the stand and all I'd see would be people selling things. I never thought about all the loot that has to go out before any rolls in.


"What's been wrong with the night club business for so many years, as far as jazz is concerned, is that there's been too much of an atmosphere of pressure. People don't like to feel they are being forced to do anything—buy a drink, or favors, or food, or even listen to the music. In our place I think we let the audience and the musicians enjoy themselves. When the band is really swinging, even the non-jazz people in the audience know it. But I never want to establish a concert hall atmosphere or make it so rigid that people are afraid to feel at home!”


"As far as my own playing is concerned, I feel much freer in The Manne-Hole than I have ever felt in a club before. Working here for me has been one of those gigs where you literally can't wait to get there and start playing. And the band has gotten a freer and more exciting sound, partly I think as a result of the room!'


The Manne-Hole's manager, a stockholder in the corporation, is Amsterdam-born Rudy Onderwyzer, an ex-accountant. Rudy had all the qualifications except one: at the outset he had little sympathy for the modern sounds, and was, in fact, a traditionalist who liked to play tailgate trombone. But in a very short time, he says, "just by working at Shelly's I got a whole education in modern Jazz.”


The Club


SHELLY'S MANNE-HOLE at 1608 North Cahuenga Boulevard is in what could be called (except by those who write it off as a heartless, impersonal town) the heart of Hollywood. Providing incandescent evidence that Hollywood has a warm spot in its heart for jazz, The Manne-Hole immediately impresses the visitor as friendly, intimate, and relaxed.


Suspended from a beam halfway across the room is a large key on a chain, the kind seen outside keymakers' shops. On the walls are many of Shelly's Contemporary album covers, as well as a variety of relics: old newspaper clippings, faded photographs, all kinds of drawings, paintings, murals, and tapestries. Just beyond the bandstand to the left as you enter, a ladder painted on the wall leads up to a painted manhole cover, its lettering in reverse on the ceiling. Another manhole, looking more like a painted drumhead, has Shelly's photographed smile welcoming you from the rear of the room, over the legend "Founder and Owner. 1960 A. D"


The bandstand is clearly visible from all the booths, or from the row of barstools at a counter facing it; and the music, thanks to a first-class public-address system installed by Contemporary engineer Howard Holzer,. is eminently audible.


The Manne-Hole opened its doors November 4, 1960, with the same policy that is currently in operation. Shelly's own quintet works there every Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, with an outstanding singer as an added attraction. Among those who have played a series of week ends are blues singer Big Miller, Helen Humes, and Ruth Price, who was recorded at The Manne-Hole during the nights when these sides by Shelly's group were taped. The results can be heard on Contemporary M3590, stereo S7590.


The musical policy of The Manne-Hole is unique in that a different combo can be heard each of the four weeknights Manne's group is not working. Among the groups featured have been those of Frank Rosolino, Terry Gibbs, Joe Maini, Jr., Phineas Newborn, Jr., Russ Freeman, Paul Horn, Teddy Edwards, Dexter Gordon, and Barney Kessel.


The Manne-Hole attracts listeners who are genuinely interested in jazz, from teen-agers just shedding their rock and roll cocoon to older enthusiasts who remember Shelly as that promising young lad who took Dave Tough's place in the Joe Marsala band in 1940. No hard liquor is served at The Manne-Hole; beer and wine are available along with an assortment of soft drinks and, welcome surprise, edible food.


The Men


SHELDON (SHELLY) MANNE was born June 11, 1920 in New York City. His father and two uncles were drummers. Alto sax was Shelly's first instrument. He studied drums with Billy Gladstone. He made his professional debut playing on trans-Atlantic liners, and made his first record with Bobby Byrne's band in 1939. In the next three years, before entering the U. S. Coast Guard, he played in the bands of Joe Marsala, Bob Astor, Raymond Scott, Will Bradley,and Les Brown. He played in Stan Kenton's band off and on from 1946 to 1951; during this period he also worked with Charlie Ventura, Bill Harris, Norman Granz's Jazz at the Philharmonic, and Woody Herman. Settling in California in 1952, he worked with Howard Rumsey's Lighthouse All-Stars and with the Shorty Rugers-Shelly Manne Giants. After his appearance in The Man with the Golden Arm, for which he also instructed Frank Sinatra in the drumming sequence, he formed his own combo. Since late 1955, he has divided his time between this group, movie and TV work (including occasional appearances as an actor), and free-lance recording studio work of all kinds. He has also begun to compose and is responsible for jazz scores of two feature films. Shelly and his wife, Flip, a former dancer, live in Northridge, California, where their acreage also provides a home for three of their six horses.


SECONDO (CONTE) CANDOLI was born July 12, 1927 in Mishawaka, Ind. He studied trumpet with his brother Pete, who is four years his senior. He came to prominence in the Woody Herman band of 1945-6. He visited Scandinavia in 1947 as a member of Chubby Jackson's sextet. Heard with Stan Kenton in 1948 and '52-4, he was also with Charlie Ventura in 1949, led his own group in Chicago for a time, and for a long while was at The Lighthouse with Howard Rumsey. He has done extensive freelance work in Hollywood in more recent years and has been in great demand for studio record dates.


RICHARD (RICHIE) KAMUCA was born July 2.1, 1930 in Philadelphia, where he studied at the Mastbaum School of Music. Long a West Coast resident, he has played in the bands of Kenton, 1951-2; Herman, '51-5; Chet Baker and Maynard Ferguson, '57; Howard Rumsey, '57-8; Shorty Rogers, '59; and since then with Shelly's Men. Heard on records with all the above groups as well as with Al Cohn, Bill Perkins, Johnny Richards, and Manny Albam, he has developed during the past year or two from a capable musician into a performer of marked originality.


RUSSELL DONALD (Russ) FREEMAN was born in Chicago May 28, 1926. Long a favorite among Hollywood jazz musicians, he has worked for the combos of Howard McGhee and Dexter Cordon (in 1917), and with Art Pepper, the late Wardell Gray, and Rumsey's All-Stars when Shelly was in the group. After playing with Chet Baker and the Rogers-Manne Giants, he joined Shelly Manne in 1955 and has been with him continuously except for brief trips to the East Coast and Europe with Benny Goodman in 1958-9. CHARLES


CURTIS (CHUCK) BERGHOFER was born June 14, 1937 in Denver. Although he has studied with Bob Stone and Ralph Pena, he is mainly self-taught. Raised in Los Angeles from the age of eight, he played tuba and trumpet in high school, took up bass at eighteen, and made his professional debut
with Skinnay Ennis. He also worked with Pete Jolly, and was with Bobby Troup for a year and a half before joining Shelly in 1960. Shelly considers him one of the best young bassists in jazz today.


The Music


Love For Sale • The 1930 Cole Porter standard (from a show called The New Yorkers) has long been used as a backbone for jazz improvisation. Here Shelly sets the pace with his up-tempo vamp, and Conte offers a free yet faithful delineation of the theme, while Richie adds side comments and takes over for the release. Richie's long solo builds slowly during the first chorus into a continuously swinging groove that is later maintained by Conte and Russ. The solid underlining of Chuck's bass, as well as his walking solo, are conspicuous features of this track.

How Could It Happen To A Dream • This Ellington standard, originally cut by Duke's band in 1946 under the more Brooklynesque title It Shouldn't Happen to a Dream, offers a graceful vehicle for Richie's ballad thoughts. Russ has a gentle but firm solo in which the harmonic idea developed at the beginning of his last eight bars is especially effective. Conte has a spare, discreet, muted solo before Richie takes it out.


Softly, As In A Morning Sunrise• Conte, whose solo is a highlight here, has a particularly effective passage in which he hangs onto a repeated F against the C minor chord at the end of one chorus and during the suspended rhythm passage leading into the next. Shelly's interlude with sticks swings as tastefully as does his ensemble work, and Chuck has a remarkable Pettiford-like solo.


The Champ• Shelly, pursued closely by Chuck, sets the brisk pace for what turns out to be a ten-minute series of blues solos with the 1951 Dizzy Gillespie riff as a framework. A sense of tension and release is ingeniously established throughout as Chuck, at one point during each of the solos by Richie, Conte, and Russ, lays out to let Shelly provide the sole accompaniment.


On Green Dolphin Street • One of the first jazz recordings of this Bronislau Kaper movie melody was in 1957 by Contemporary's Poll Winners — Barney Kessel, Shelly, and Ray Brown (C3535, stereo S7010). The tune has also been closely associated with Miles Davis, and is now a staple in the repertory of many jazz combos. Despite the unusual length of this track, continuity is established and mood maintained by the device of launching each solo (muted trumpet, then tenor, then piano) with a chorus in which the first and third eight-bar strains are played against a pedal-point bass effect. Playing these comfortable changes, Kamuca offers a solo that is rich in dynamic and rhythmic variety. Chuck and Shelly have solo contributions that adhere carefully to the overall mood before the theme returns.


What's New?• First recorded by Bob Crosby in 1938, the music was written by Bob Haggart, then bass player with Crosby. This attractive melody is unique in jazz, in that it consists of the same eight-bar strain repeated four times, the third statement being played a fourth higher. That its harmonic structure carries it is made clear again in this slow-tempo treatment. Note Shelly's subtle variations between straight four and double-time, and the eloquent contribution of Conte, which gives the whole a beautifully dramatic, climactic mood. Aside from the difference in personnel, this is in complete contrast with the up-tempo version of the same tune in Shelly Manne & His Men at The Black Hawk, Vol. 2 (Contemporary M3578, stereo S7578).


If I Were A Bell • The Frank Loesser song from Guys and Dolls (1950) is furnished with an effective head-arrangement device through the varying support of Chuck Berghofer, who accompanies each of the soloists in two, for a single chorus, before bursting into a free-flowing four. Russ Freeman, who lends the appropriate touch of tintinnabulation to the introduction, is also responsible for an exciting, consistently pulsating solo, reminding us yet again that he is one of the most rewarding soloists in modern piano jazz. The series of eights traded by Richie, Shelly, and Conte is another high spot, preceding Conte's muted recap of the melody.


Ev'ry Time We Say Goodbye• The Cole Porter song from a Broadway show called The Seven Lively Arts was introduced to jazz ears by Benny Goodman in 1944. Russ is notably melodic in his solo; the first eight bars sound as if he had composed a new theme based on these changes. Richie's sound and phrasing, and the mood of this melody, are well suited to each other, as the opening and closing choruses indicate.


A Gem From Tiffany• Once again Bill Holman's original provides a closer for a Shelly Manne set. The longest previous workout on this foundation was heard in Volume 4 of The Black Hawk series (Contemporary M3580. stereo S7580). The time-honored "and-then-there-were-none" routine is followed as the men leave the stand one by one until Shelly, solo, makes the final statement.”


—Leonard Feather Notes reproduced from the original album liner.


These liner notes are also used in At the Manne-Hole, Volume 2 (OJCCD-715-2), a second volume of Shelly Manne's Contemporary recordings; the notes make reference to tracks in both discs.

Charlie Palmieri - El Gigante de Las Blancas y Las Negras

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


I have shared before on these pages how during my earliest attempts at playing Latin drum rhythms I was admonished to - “Do it right!; “Hey Man, learn what you are doing, you are screwing the rest of us up;” “Get off the bandstand until you know what a clave’ beat is.”


I’ve obviously cleaned some of this up a bit, but you get the point.


To the uninformed ear, it may sound like a bunch of banging around, but there is order and method in the conventions of Latin rhythms in particular and in Latin Jazz in general.


As I studied it more, I soon learned that Latin Jazz existed in what could be described as a parallel universe to Jazz, or perhaps, it would be better to say that it existed in its own universe.


This was especially the case in the Puerto Rican, Dominican and Cuban neighborhood the dotted uptown Manhattan, The Bronx, Brooklyn and Queens.


To give you a sense of what the Latin Jazz scene was like in New York in the decades immediately following the Second World War, here’s a detailed overview of the career of Charlie Palmieri, the older brother of Eddie Palmieri. Both were to become among the most creative forces in salsa, other forms of Latin popular music and Latin Jazz.


You’ll find the inspiration for this piece in the video that concludes it which incorporates Clare Fischer’s tribute to “CP” as performed by the Metropole Orchestra under the direction of Jim McNeely.


Source: The Encyclopedia of Popular Music by Colin Larkin. Licensed from Muze.


“Carlos Manuel Palmieri Jr., 21 November 1927, Bellevue Hospital, Manhattan, New York City, New York, USA, d. 12 September 1988, the Bronx, New York City, New York, USA.


Known in salsa as ‘El Gigante de Las Blancas y Las Negras’ (The Giant of the Keyboard), Palmieri’s parents, Carlos Palmieri Manuel Villaneuva and Isabel Maldonado-Palmieri, migrated from Ponce, Puerto Rico to New York’s El Barrio (Spanish Harlem), shortly before he was born.


He was a child musical prodigy who could faultlessly copy a piece on the piano by ear. He began piano lessons at the age of seven and later studied at the Juilliard School of Music in New York. In 1941 Charlie and his five-year-old brother, Eddie Palmieri, won prizes in amateur talent contests and during this time, a guardian would take him to Latin big band dances. Charlie made his professional debut on 2 October 1943 with the band of Osario Selasie at the Park Palace Ballroom.


A seven-month stint with Selasie was followed by one-and-a-half years with Orquestra Ritmo Tropical. After graduating from high school in 1946, he freelanced with various bands, including La Playa Sextet and Rafael Muñoz, with whom he made his recording debut on ‘Se Va La Rumba’. In October 1947, he was hired to replace Joe Loco in Fernando Alvarez’s band at the Copacabana club, by the band’s then musical director Tito Puente. In 1948 he recorded on the Alba label with his first band, Conjunto Pin Pin.


After leaving the Copacabana in 1951, Palmieri toured briefly with Xavier Cugat. The same year, he joined Puente’s band and appeared on the 10-inch album Tito Puente At The Vibes And His Rhythm Quartet, Vol. 6 on the Tico label (most of which was later incorporated on the late 50s album Puente In Love). He joined Pupi Campo’s band and worked on Jack Paar’s CBS daytime television show. In the early 50s, Palmieri formed another band, which debuted at New York’s famous Palladium Ballroom with lead vocalist Vitín Avilés.


However, lack of gigs caused him to resume work as an accompanist. He performed with Johnny Seguí, Tito Rodríguez, Vicentico Valdés and Pete Terrace. A couple of tracks he recorded with Rodríguez in 1953 were included on the 1990 compilation Ritmo Y Melodia, 15 Joyas Tropicales.



He appeared on Terrace’s mid-50s A Night In Mambo-Jazzland, and recorded as leader of a small Latin jazz group on El Fantastico Charlie Palmieri. At the end of 1956, he organized a quintet for an extended residency in Chicago.


Shortly after Palmieri’s return to New York, he discovered Johnny Pacheco playing flute with the band of Dominican singer/composer Dioris Valladares, who was on the same bill as Palmieri’s group at the Monte Carlo Ballroom. He employed Pacheco, initially as a timbales player, and later as the flautist with his flute, strings, rhythm section and voices band, Charanga ‘La Duboney’.


The band signed with the major label United Artists Records, and their 1960 debut Let’s Dance The Charanga!, featuring Vitín Avilés, generated several hits in New York’s Latino market. Not only did La Duboney enjoy considerable success in their own right - playing two to three dances a night - but they also kicked off the early 60s charanga (flute and violin band) boom. After a short while, Pacheco split to found his own charanga. Palmieri was obliged to break his contract with United Artists when the company insisted that he record Hawaiian music! This was because the record contract of Tito Rodríguez, who signed with the label in 1960, stipulated that he would be the only artist to record Latin music for them. Palmieri and Charanga ‘La Duboney’ switched to Al Santiago’ s Alegre label.


They released three albums on the label between 1961 and 1963, and contributed two tracks to 1961’s Las Charangas, which also featured the charangas of Pacheco and José Fajardo. The tracks ‘Como Bailan La Pachanga’ and ‘La Pachanga Se Baila Asi’ (co-written by Joe Quijano and Palmieri), from La Duboney’s magnificent bestselling Alegre debut Pachanga At The Caravana Club, were both hits in Farándula magazine’s New York Latin Top 15 during May 1961.


Palmieri directed (and performed on) and Santiago produced four superlative Alegre All-Stars Latin jam session (descarga) volumes issued between 1961 and the mid-60s. These albums, which gave Palmieri an opportunity to indulge his dual passion for jazz and Cuban music, involved artists such as Kako, Pacheco, Willie Rosario, Cheo Feliciano, Orlando Marín, Dioris Valladares, Joe Quijano, bass player Bobby Rodríguez, Barry Rogers, Osvaldo ‘Chi Hua Hua’ Martínez and Willie Torres.


The Alegre All-Stars’ recordings were a descendant of the Cuban Jam Session volumes recorded in Cuba on the Panart label in the second half of the 50s (see Israel ‘Cachao’ López). Cuban saxophonist José ‘Chombo’ Silva participated on both. In their turn, the Alegre All-Stars inspired a string of New York descarga recordings, which included releases by Kako, Johnny Pacheco, Osvaldo ‘Chi Hua Hua’ Martínez, Tico All-Stars, Cesta All-Stars, Salsa All-Stars, Fania All Stars and SAR All Stars. Palmieri and Santiago made a significant input: Palmieri guested on the Tico All-Stars’ 1966 descarga volumes recorded at New York’s Village Gate, and directed and played on the Cesta All-Stars’ two albums, which Santiago co-produced; Santiago produced Salsa All Stars in 1968, which featured Palmieri on piano.


When the charanga sound declined in popularity, Palmieri replaced the flute and violins with three trumpets and two trombones to form the Duboney Orchestra for 1965’s Tengo Maquina Y Voy A 60 (Going Like Sixty). Puerto Rico-born Victor Velázquez, a Palmieri accompanist since 1961, sang lead vocals with the new Duboney, which also included young trumpeter Bobby Valentín. Palmieri left Alegre to record for the BG label, but returned in 1967 for Hay Que Estar En Algo/Either You Have It Or You Don’t!, which contained some boogaloos, an R&B/Latin fusion form that was the rage at the time. Palmieri later admitted to Max Salazar: ‘... I didn’t care for the boogaloo, but I’ve learned that if you do not follow a popular trend, you’re dead.’ The following year he recorded Latin Bugalu for Atlantic Records, which was also released in the UK. The album was produced by Herbie Mann and contained his self-penned classic ‘Mambo Show’.





1969 was an extremely lean year for Palmieri’s band. He nearly suffered a nervous breakdown and contemplated relocating to Puerto Rico. However, he was dissuaded from doing so by Tito Puente, who hired him as musical conductor for his television show El Mundo De Tito Puente. When the series finished, Palmieri started a parallel career as a lecturer in Latin music and culture, and taught in various educational institutions in New York. Velázquez left for an eight-month stint with Joe Quijano in Puerto Rico; he returned to Palmieri’s band in 1972 to share lead vocals with Vitín Avilés, then departed to join Louie Ramírez’s band. Palmieri began using organ, which imparted an element of kitsch to some of his recorded work. He rejigged his horn section to two trumpets and saxophone (played by Bobby Nelson, who doubled on flute). He issued three notable albums on Alegre between 1972 and 1975 with Avilés on lead vocals, and two on Harvey Averne’s Coco label (in 1974 and 1975) with lead vocals by Velázquez.


A number of Palmieri’s hit tunes from this period were written by veteran Puerto Rican composer/singer and former heartthrob, Raúl Marrero, including, ‘La Hija De Lola’ from El Gigante Del Teclado (1972) and ‘La Vecina’ from Vuelve El Gigante (1973). Palmieri only played organ with his band on the first Coco outing, Electro Duro, which was probably his most disappointing album. His second Coco release, Impulsos, was a more refined remake of the rawer (and better) Charlie Palmieri. Both versions featured Velázquez on lead vocals; he again departed and went on to co-lead Típica Ideal. In 1977, Palmieri teamed up with veteran Panamanian singer/composer Meñique Barcasnegras for Con Salsa Y Sabor on the Cotique label. That year, he returned to Alegre to lead and perform on the Al Santiago produced 17th anniversary Alegre All-Stars reunion Perdido (Vol. 5), which re-convened 10 musicians from the 60s sessions, together with Louie Ramírez, Bobby Rodríguez and members of his band La Compañia. Palmieri remained with Alegre in 1978 for The Heavyweight, with singers Meñique and Julito Villot, and played and arranged on Vitín Avilés’ solo Con Mucha Salsa. His brief return to Alegre was punctuated by the highly recommended compilation Gigante Hits in 1978, which selected tracks from his 1965-75 period with the label.


In one or more of his capacities as A&R head, producer, keyboard player and arranger, Palmieri worked with a long list of artists, which included: Kako, brother Eddie, Celia Cruz, Tito Puente, Ismael Rivera, Rafael Cortijo, Herbie Mann, Ismael Quintana, Yayo El Indio, Cal Tjader, Raúl Marrero, Joe Quijano, Frankie Dante, Bobby Capó, Israel ‘Cachao’ López, Machito, Mongo Santamaría and Ray Barretto. In January 1980, Palmieri moved to Puerto Rico to escape New York’s severe winters and frustrating, exploitative Latin club scene. He organized a successful band there, but sadly never recorded with them. Palmieri returned to New York in February 1983 to discuss a proposed concert in Puerto Rico with his brother Eddie. However he suffered a massive heart attack and stroke and was hospitalized for six weeks. Upon his recovery, he continued to reside in New York and resolved to live at a slower pace. On 6 January 1984, New York’s Latin music industry paid tribute to Palmieri at Club Broadway. The same year, he returned to a small group format (piano, bass, timbales, conga and bongo) for the Latin jazz A Giant Step on the Tropical Budda label. He played on El Sabor Del Conjunto Candela/86, led by bongo/güiro player Ralphy Marzan, and on Joe Quijano’s The World’s Most Exciting Latin Orchestra & Review in 1988. Up to 1988, he gigged with Combo Gigante, which he co-led with Jimmy Sabater. He made his belated UK debut in June 1988 with a five-night residency at London’s Bass Clef club accompanied by London-based Robin Jones’ King Salsa.


On 12 September 1988, Palmieri arrived back in New York after a trip to Puerto Rico, where he had performed at the Governor’s residence with veteran singer/composer Bobby Capó. Later in the day he suffered a further heart attack and died at the Jacobi Hospital in the Bronx, New York. In 1990, the Latin jazz CD Mambo Show was released on the resurrected Tropical Budda label, which congregated an all-star ensemble, including Palmieri (piano and co-producer), Mongo Santamaría (conga), Chombo (saxophone); Barry Rogers (trombone), Nicky Marrero (timbales), Johnny ‘Dandy’ Rodríguez (bongo), Ray Martínez (bass), David ‘Piro’ Rodríguez (trumpet).”



Stan Getz - The Complete Roost Recordings

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“*****Stan Getz:The Complete Roost Recordings Roost 859622-2 3CD


“So much attention has fallen on Getz's later work that these magnificent sessions are sometimes overlooked. No longer any need for that, now the complete works have been gathered across three generously filled CDs, with three new tunes.


The earliest tracks, from a session in May 1950, catch a young man with his head full of bebop and his heart heavy with swing-era romanticism. Those contrary strains sometimes come together, such as in the headily beautiful 'Yesterdays', in a marriage of intellect and emotion that is rare not only in Getz's work but in jazz itself. These two early dates, one with Al Haig, one with Horace Silver, are little short of electrifying. By 1951, he already sounds like the more settled, invincible Getz, but the short track-lengths (a relic of the 78 era) give the music considerable point and direction.


The live session from Boston's Storyville Club with Jimmy Raney has long been a prized classic, both musicians unreeling one great solo after another. Two studio dates with a similar band are at a lower voltage but are scarcely less impressive. Eight tracks with Johnny Smith, including the achingly lovely 'Moonlight In Vermont', offer Getz the lyricist in fullest flow, while the three with Basie at Birdland are like a fun bonus.


There is so much top-flight jazz in this set that it's quite indispensable, and brought together in one place and remastered to a consistent standard, it's breathtaking.”
-Richard Cook and Brian Morton, The Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.


Perhaps, after you’ve read the following, you’ll better understand why I make such a point of, as it states in the blog banner, “... featuring the work of guest writers and critics on the subject of Jazz.”


The best writers on the subject are Jazz Masters in their own right.


For as Peter Keepnews succinctly put it:


“Those of us who have tried writing about Jazz know what a daunting challenge it can be to do it well. Expressing an opinion about a given musician or recording is easy; explaining what exactly it is that makes that musician or recording worth caring about is not.”


And then there are guys like Doug Ramsey, who seem to knock the cover off the ball every time they come to bat [am I mixing metaphors here? - ].


Nobody does “... explaining what exactly it is that makes that musician or recording worth caring about …” better than Doug, and he’s been doing it consistently well for a very long time.


So when I started to dig around my Stan Getz collection after reading John Coltrane’s reference to Stan to wit - “Let’s face it, we’d all sound like that if we could” - I was determined to find a written description of what John meant about Getz’s sound.


I didn’t have to look far, for ‘lo and behold,’ there were - you guessed it - Doug Ramsey’s insert notes to Stan Getz:The Complete Roost Recordings Roost 859622-2 3CD which took me exactly where I wanted to go in terms of a detailed explanation of what made tenor saxophonist Stan Getz - “The Sound.”


© -  Doug Ramsey, copyright protected; all rights reserved; used with permission.


“On May 17, 1950, Stanley Getz from the Bronx was about to record with a world-class rhythm section. He was 23, an age at which many young men are wondering what to do with their lives.


Even al that early stage, his life had not been easy, but he never had a doubt about its path. As a junior high school bassist, he discovered that he had perfect pitch and perfect rhythm. His sight-reading developed as if by magic. His remarkable mind photographed music. In the words of his biographer, Donald Maggin, "he possessed musical gifts which are missing in ordinary mortals." [Donald Maggin, Stan Getz A Life in Jazz, William Morrow 1996.]


After a stint with the bassoon (lessons from Stanley Kovar ol the New York Philharmonic). Stanley switched to the alto saxophone and practiced eight hours a day. He joined the musicians union at 14. When he was barely 15 he was playing tenor sax with the Dick Rogers band at the Roseland dance emporium in Manhattan. While his mother was visiting relatives m Philadelphia, he talked his father into letting him go on the road with Jack Teagarden. The pay was 70 dollars a week, double what his dad made when he was able to find work as a printer. When the New York State truancy laws caught up with Getz and Teagarden in St. Louis, the great trombonist was able to keep his young saxophonist in the band by signing as Stanley's guardian. Getz never returned to school, but he got an education from Teagarden.


"In my early years, working with Jack Teagarden had the most effect on me," Getz told a reporter in 1964. "That was a very good introduction to professional music for me. Teagarden was a great musician. His playing is timeless - and it's logical. He adopted me. and he taught me a lot, especially about bending my right elbow.”


Precocious in music, Getz was precocious in life. Teagarden, one of the great drinkers of his time, introduced Stanley to booze. Shortly after, Getz took up nicotine. In his nine months with Teagarden, Getz became a chain smoker and chain drinker. His introduction to heroin was just down the road, in the back of Stan Kenton's band bus. A classic addictive personality, he was immediately hooked, virtually for life. He was unable to leave heroin behind until he was in his sixties.


Getz had a combative manner and an insatiable ego. Combined with the instability and deviousness of the addict, they established a behavior pattern that made him few friends even among fellow musicians who loved his playing. He was a walking psychiatric casebook. Zoot Sims voiced the nearly universal assessment of Getz the man: "Stan's a real nice bunch of guys.”


Getz was 17 when he was with Kenton. He quit after he asked the boss what he thought of the improvising of Lester Young, whose playing the fledgling tenor star adored. Kenton offended him by telling him that he thought that Young's work was too simple. Getz went on to Jimmy Dorsey, Benny Goodman, Buddy Morro, Randy Brooks, Herbie Fields and Butch Stone. He worked in a Los Angeles band led by Tommy DeCarlo and arranged by Gene Roland and Jimmy Giuffre. The band was the incubator for a new saxophone section sound, four tenors rather than the traditional combinations of tenors, altos and baritone.


In 1947. on the verge of reorganizing. Woody Herman heard DeCarlo's four-tenor sound and liked it. Herman hired Getz, Zoot Sims and Herbie Steward, experimented with the blend and ended up substituting Serge Chaloff’s baritone sax for Giuffre’s tenor. After Al Cohn replaced Steward, the section of Getz, Sims, Cohn and Chaloff was featured in a Giuffre's composition called “Four Brothers.” The name of the piece became the name of the section, quite likely the most famous ever in a big band. The Four Brothers sound came to identify Herman's Second Herd.


Herman's December, 1948 recording of Ralph Burns "Early Autumn' featured a lyrical solo by Getz. By the time the record came out in 1949, Getz had left the band and was in New York supporting his family by playing odd jobs, including parades. The popularity of his work on "Early Autumn” made him, at the age of 22, one ot the best known jazz artists in the world. Parades were a thing of the past.


Now it was a year later and he was in the studio for Roost Records, in charge of a rhythm section frequently employed by Charlie Parker, the most admired and emulated saxophonist in modern jazz. Seven Roost sessions during 1951, '52, and '53 would produce recordings that extended Getz’s fame and made a wide audience aware of his qualities: a pure tone that often soared into the range of the alto saxophone; an instinct for melodic beauty; an ear for subtle harmonic possibilities; senses of time and timing that invested his playing with compelling swing and interior rhythms He melded elements of Parker and Young with a poignancy that spoke of longing and loss and pierced listeners' emotions. Getz's solid, blue-eyed. Ali-American good looks added to his appeal.


"He was a good musician, I'll say that. He could play the hell out of a melody." Drummer Roy Haynes was speaking in 1997, six years after Getz’s death. 47 years after the first Roost session.


"I had been playing for Lester Young,” Haynes told me, "and I had become one of the favorites of a lot of the tenor players. Brew Moore and Wardell Gray were two I recorded with. Al Haig and I had played together with Tommy Potter on other dates as well.


Haynes said the music with Getz was rewarding, the working conditions were daunting. "He could play his ass off, but he’d get into his drinking and his drugs and all that, as a lot of the artists did. So he was like Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde. You had to be ready to deal with whatever the situation was. Sometimes he could be like an angel for a few minutes, a sweet guy. One time we were flying down South, drinking and being jolly. We were having fun. There were a few moments like that when we had a lot of laughs. But it never lasted long. He could be that way for 15 minutes, but for the rest of the hour he would be a terror."


Haynes' section mates for the May, 1950, date were Haig and bassist Potter. Getz and the pianist had recorded together in 1948 for a fly-by-night label with the original, if unmarketable, name of "Sittin' In With," and in 1949 and early 1950 for Savoy and Prestige. Getz called Haig. "the best accompanist in the business." Harmonically adroit with quick reflexes and exquisite placement of chords. Haig was also a favorite of Parker and Dizzy Gillespie.

Haig's liquidity and Getz's clarity are immediately evident in "On the Alamo." The alternate take is a bit unsettled, and the ending doesn't quite work. In the next take, Getz's rhythm is firmly centered. The beginning of his second solo demonstrates that he and Paul Desmond were affected by the same aspects of Lester Young.



The depth and openness of Getz’s tone at the beginning of "Gone With the Wind” are far from the alto sound of his upper register. Following his sweet paraphrase of the melody at the end of his chorus, he eases through a coda full of modulations and downward-spiraling phrases, each with its own propulsiveness The execution is exquisite.


'Yesterdays," one of his classic performances, is the essence of Getz the ballad artist. His Ravel-like abstractions in bars 17 and 18, a minute and twenty seconds into the track, constitute one of the most stunning moments he ever put on record.


Since the original Roost issue, "Sweetie Pie" has often been credited to Getz. but it was written in 1934 by John Jacob Loeb and recorded in that year by Fats Waller. Typically, Waller had fun with it, Getz does too, and adds to the playfulness a dimension of lyricism. Haig echoes Getz’s 16th-note flurries. Haynes executes a classic bop ride cymbal pattern that makes the swing irresistible, as it is in Cole Porter's “You Go to My Head." The 16-bar coda to the Porter song contains, among other things, an illustration of why horn players lined up to play with Al Haig: his comping behind Getz's ruminating modulations.


The pre-"Shadow of Your Smile" Johnny Mandel played bass trumpet in Getz's band for a short time and contributed a few pieces to his book. "Hershey Bar" is representative of Mandel's well-crafted tunes. Following Haig’s solo, Getz makes his memorable re-entry with an idea from "Paper Moon."


For the December, 1950 and May, 1951 dates. Getz brought aboard a rhythm section headed by the young pianist Horace Silver. Silver's accompanying style, rolling and buoyant, is immediately evident and may have had something to do with the slightly harder edge in Getz's solo on "Tootsie Roll" and his aggressive one in "Strike Up the Band." As he opens his own "Strike Up the Band" solo, Silver, a quotemaster, alludes to "The Hut-Sut Song."


When I talked with Silver about his days with Getz, I started to tell him that I wouldn't ask him to repeat the famous story about how Getz discovered him in 1950 when Silver was 21. Before I could get the words out of my mouth, he was off and running.


"I was playing at the Sundown Club in Hartford. Connecticut. Thursday, we had jam session night. It wasn't the regular band. It was my trio. Walter Bolden on drums and Joe Galloway on bass and myself on piano, and cats would come in that night and jam. So they invited Lucky Thompson up one Thursday night. The next person they brought up, maybe a month or two later, was Stan Getz as the guest artist, and we backed him up. He liked our rhythm section. He said that he was thinking about using us. And we said. 'Ah, he's just being polite.’ Two weeks later, though, the phone rang and it was Stan. He said, look I'm going to Philadelphia to play the Club Harlem and I want you guys to join me.' We went, we joined him and I stayed with him about a year."


Silver, one of the most successful musicians of his generation, still sounds awed by Getz nearly half a century later. "Playing with him for that year made me realize what a truly great musician he was. They don't come like that every day. You know, he could play in any key fluently, any tempo, and he covered his horn from top to bottom. He hit the high notes and the low notes with ease, and he could read his ass off. He was just a really great musician."


Silver seems to have learned to live with the Getzian storms that Roy Haynes described. "I had great admiration for his talent, and he was a beautiful person, too. You had to understand him. He had his moods. He could be a little ornery or evil sometimes. But he was a Gemini. One minute they're smiling and the next minute they've got a frown on their faces. When he got in those kinds of bags where he didn't want to talk or acted kind of weird or something, I'd just kind of bow out or keep quiet, or go somewhere else or not be around. And then when I saw him smiling and he was groovin,’ I'd go around him and try to hang with him. You just have to understand, that's the Gemini personality.


"I always tell everybody, thank God Stan Getz took me out of Hartford."


In the quartet dates with Silver. Getz is notably relaxed. The alternate take of "Imagination" can be considered a rehearsal for the brilliantly realized version that follows. Getz's tone at the end is a startling replication of that of the great clarinetist Irving Fazola.


Although quoting was not a major component of his style, Getz seems to have escalated it in Silver's company. In "'’S Wonderful," he summons up "Surrey With a Fringe on Top." In "It Might as Well be Spring." there's a lovely use of the main phrase of "Darn that Dream." He throws in a bit of "Old Man River" during "For Stompers Only," the first take of the blues also known as "Navy Blue." During the course of the two blues tracks alone, Silver borrows from "Nobody Knows the Trouble I've Seen." Mendelssohn's "Spring Song.""The Irish Washerwoman" and "Bill." In "Out of Nowhere." he manages snatches of "The Merry-Go-Round Broke Down.""Willow Weep for Me" and "My Man." all in an abbreviated solo that achieves continuity despite its disparate elements. Silver is a superb craftsman. He and Getz were a felicitous combination.


Getz and Jimmy Raney comprised one of the great front-line partnerships in all of jazz. They recorded together in Getz's quintet for 16 months ending in April. 1953. Nearly five decades later that band is still a model of swing, precision, daring and empathy. The excitement it generated was captured in live recordings made at Boston’s Storyville club on October 28,1951.


Raney, the son of a Louisville newspaper editor, was seven months younger than Getz. In photographs taken during the Storyville engagement, the two look as if they could be working their way through high school. Al Haig was at the piano. The bassist was Teddy Kotick. much prized by Charlie Parker. The powerhouse drummer was Tiny Kahn, also a respected composer and arranger.


The Storyville tapes captured some of the most intricate playing ever heard from a jazz group. "Thou Swell" introduces the concept. "The Song is You" makes it unmistakably clear. With musicians of the technical capabilities of Getz and Raney. intricacy did not come at the cost of drive and emotion. Like his friend Miles Davis. Getz was tagged with the cliche label, "cool." Like Davis, he could lay back, but each could also generate heat, not that of a conflagration but of the blue flame from a gas-fed torch. There is no better demonstration of the empathy and fire that Getz and Raney shared than "The Song is You." For all of its counterpoint interaction, this is a hot performance. In Raney's bitonal ending, it concludes in some of the risk-taking this band loved.


This collection includes superb previously unissued versions of "Signal.""Budo" and "Wildwood." discovered by producer Michael Cuscuna shortly before final production of the album. When I played them for the bassist Clipper Anderson, he said, "Good heavens, these are outtakes?"


“Mosquito Knees," one of several tunes in the Getz book by alto saxophonist Gigi Gryce, is a prime recorded instance of unison playing in which Getz's saxophone and Raney's guitar breathe, phrase, and think as one. Their unity is as complete as that of Parker and Gillespie. Zoot Sims and Al Cohn. Joe Venuti and Eddie Lang. Art Farmer and Jim Hall.


Raney sits out "Pennies From Heaven." Getz solos all the way and has a great rubato coda buoyed by Kotick's bowing The empathy of Kahn and Kotick is especially evident in this performance.


“ Move" is a bit too fast for Raney and Getz to cleanly execute all of the jumps in the melody, but their solos and Haig's proceed with dexterity. So do the exchanges of fours with Kahn. Kahn's solo elicits a famous-and nicely placed-"yahay-eeee" from a member of the Storyville audience. "Parker 51" is named for Charlie Parker and based on "Cherokee." which he established as a bebop staple. It is faster than fast, but Raney and Getz play the complex head as clean as a whistle The blowing choruses are torrid.


Mandel's ' Hershey Bar" is a nice romp abruptly ended, perhaps by a slip of the engineer's finger or the tape running out. Frank Rosolino’s minor-key "Rubberneck" continues the up-tempo adventures leading to Raney's unusual "Signal," 48 bars of descending harmonies. Haig's genius at accompaniment eases Getz and Raney through this challenging material. Kahn’s skill with brushes and cymbals is essential to the success of the expedition.


There is more of Getz's ballad magic on Matt Dennis's "Everything Happens to Me" and Jerome Kern's "Yesterdays." He pays tribute to his mentor with Lester Young's “Jumpin' With Symphony Sid." Getz and Raney, in flawless unison, precede the "Sid" theme with one written by Gigi Gryce. In later years the line came to be called "Stan's Blues." It was in Getz’s repertoire until at least the late 1980s. In his solo, Getz employs a few of Prez's devices, including a series of false-fingered Cs. Raney picks up Getz’s final phrase to begin his own solo. Following solos from Haig and Kotick, both melody lines are reprised and the blues closes with an ending appropriate for a concert at Grauman's Chinese Theatre. The originally issued take of "Budo" and the new one of "Wildwood" end the Storyville date, a momentous evening in the annals of music recorded on location.


The quintet studio recordings that preceded the Storyville engagement by three months included Horace Silver, Roy Haynes and bassist Leonard Gaskin. They observe the time limits dictated by 78rpm singles but do not want for excitement, as Gryce's "Melody Express" makes clear. Getz's solo opens with a phrase epitomizing the tonal qualities that earned him the nickname. "The Sound." He all but swaggers through two choruses. Raney and Silver are equally propulsive, and Haynes surges behind the out-chorus.
Getz and Raney do their Castor and Pollux act on Gryce's "Yvette" and Silver's "Potter's Luck." The short time permitted "The Song is You" doesn't allow the band to build up the head of steam they were to generate in the Storyville version, but the counterpoint is thrilling. "Wildwood." with its surprise melody transition to the bridge, wraps up the session.


For Getz's December 19,1952, Roost date, Duke Jordan was the pianist; Getz and Parker had an affinity for the same accompanists. Frank Isola was the drummer. Bill Crow the bassist. Crow, then and now a stalwart of the jazz scene, recently recalled Getz's style of leadership.


"I think we only rehearsed a couple of times in all the months I was with him," Crow told me. "The first group, we didn't rehearse at all. Jimmy Raney showed me a couple of chord changes on tunes that I didn't know. I was lucky in those days: the style of drummers was light, so I could hear myself and I could hear what everybody was doing. It wasn't until some years later that everybody started pouring on the volume. It seemed like Stan just chose musicians that he was comfortable playing with and picked tunes he liked, and we played. There weren't any particular requirements to do anything more than that. You had to play his hit once in a while, “Moonlight In Vermont.” But other than that, he was in the best position of anybody I knew at that time to do whatever he liked and still fill the house."



The similarity of Getz's conception to Al Cohn's in places on "Lullaby of Birdland" was no coincidence, according to Crow.


"I know he admired Al Cohn's inventiveness, melodically. and felt that he had gotten a lot of ideas about how to approach jazz from Al. He felt badly that Al had never gotten the recognition that Stan felt he deserved."


The ending Raney suggested for "Lullaby of Birdland" has been copied by musicians around the world. The two takes of "Autumn Leaves" and the one of "These Foolish Things" recall an observation Getz made to tenor saxophonist Don Lanphere when Lanphere described the effect on his wife of Getz's ballads: "Oh, I know that there are those who might swing harder than I, but I'm very big with the ladies."


"When Duke Jordan came on the group." Crow says. "Stan mentioned that he thought Duke's intros were wonderful and he encouraged him to play something on almost every tune." Samples of Jordan's introductions are provided on the two takes of "Fools Rush In." He has a brief solo on "Lullaby of Birdland."


During his tenure with Getz, Raney became increasingly disturbed by the leader's behavior stemming from drugs and alcohol. Crow, an invaluable chronicler of the jazz life, wrote in his book, From Birdland to Broadway (Oxford) about seeing Getz nearly kill himself with an overdose. Author Gene Lees knew Raney during Lees' days as a newspaperman in Louisville, before he became editor of Down Beat He recounted to me a story Raney told him.


"Stan went through one of his periods of cleaning up. The group had about a week off before an opening in St. Louis, so Jimmy went home to Louisville to spend time with family. When he reached St. Louis, he went to Stan's hotel room and knocked on the door. Stan answered, conspicuously stoned. Jimmy said. 'Ah, Stan, what're you doing that for? The group's getting work, we're making a little money, and you're stoned again.'


"'Who. me?,” Stan said, which was his famous line. I’m not doing anything.'"'I just have to look in your eyes.' Jimmy said.


"Stan vehemently denied he was doing dope." Finally, Jimmy said,"‘Look, Stan. I can see your works in there on the dresser.'


"And Stan indignantly said. 'And you've let me stand here and lie for ten minutes?'"


Raney gave Getz notice in December of 1952. after a disagreement at a recording session for Norman Granz's Clef label. He finished the record, and he and Getz recorded together for Prestige under Raney's name the following spring, but Raney went on to work in a duo with the inventive pianist Jimmy Lyon.


"Moonlight in Vermont" was indeed a hit for Getz, but it was Johnny Smith's record. The guitarist used Getz in a series of exquisite chamber music recordings in 1952. An amazing technician, one of the premier guitarists of his day, Smith was as respected as Raney and Tal Farlow. His and Getz's dazzling unison work on "Where or When.""Tabu" and "Jaguar." equaled that of Getz and Raney. Smith's group, particularly in its fast pieces, was inspired by the sextet of Benny Goodman, with whom both he and Getz had worked. In the days when popular music was often good music, their "Moonlight in Vermont" was a fixture on radio stations and juke boxes for months, and it greatly added to Getz's popularity.


The final three tracks of the collection were recorded at Birdland. Getz's frequent New York headquarters, for Roulette, which inherited the Roost catalogue. The occasion was an engagement of Count Basie's amazing swing machine of the mid-1950s, with Getz as featured guest. Birdland's omnipresent greeter, Pee Wee Marquette, makes the introduction. Getz tackles Neil Hefti's "Little Pony" and Buster Harding's blues, "Nails," both originally recorded by Basie's 1951 band with Warden Gray as tenor soloist. His piece de resistance, however, is "Easy Living." in which his solo flows with the beauty of Lester Young. The beginning of his second chorus is pure Pres.


Getz went on to musical triumphs and to prodigies of self-administered pain. His 1961 collaboration with Eddie Sauter, "Focus," was one of the glories of his career. His bossa nova successes, "Desafinado" in 1962 and "The Girl From Ipanema" in 1963, made him wealthy. They were also two of the last cases in which music of uncompromising artistic quality made the hit parade. Through the 1970s and '80s, Getz continued to make bewitchingly beautiful music even as he left behind the wreckage of his life and the lives of his family.


It is said that in his last year or so, Stan Getz found a semblance of peace. For his contribution to the art of the twentieth century, he deserved it.
—Doug Ramsey


Doug Ramsey is the author of Jazz Matters Reflections on the Music and Some of its Makers (University of Arkansas Press) and a regular contributor to Jazz Times. Doug is also the author of Take Five: The Public and Private Lives of Paul Desmond [Parkside Publications, 2005]. You can visit with him on his blog via this link.

www.dougramsey.com



Fred Hersch's Jazz Epiphany

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.



“Given … [the] dramatic incidents in Mr. Hersch’s life, readers might be tempted to skip over the portions of this book dealing with the craft of music. That would be a mistake. Mr. Hersch belongs to that last generation of jazz performers who came of age learning the old-fashioned way, on the job and in the presence of the living masters instead of from a textbook or classroom assignment.

In these pages, he tells about gigging with Jo Jones Jr. in Greenwich Village, traveling on the bus with big-band star Woody Herman, partying with trumpeter Chet Baker and other rites of passage the likes of which do not exist for twentysomethings nowadays.

He also writes splendid impressionist essays on the essence of Thelonious Monk, the importance of rhythm in jazz, and the difference between an eighth note as played by Chick Corea (thin and bright), Herbie Hancock (fat and solid) and Fred Hersch (discrete, with space on each side, and with a distinctive pianistic color all its own).”
- Ted Gioia, “A Life Played By Ear,” Wall Street Journal, September 9-10, 2017

Although the word “epiphany” has Biblical origins, in the vernacular it generally means a moment of sudden revelation or insight. One slang definition for it is - An Ahah! Moment!!


For most Jazz musicians and Jazz fans, epiphany often means the moment when the music “spoke to them,” for as Louis Armstrong was fond of saying: “The music either speaks to you or it don’t.”


Over the years, I’ve conducted an informal survey of fellow Jazz musicians and fans and the range of starting points for when they first became interested in the music ranges from parents record collection to a random encounter with the music on an FM radio station that turned into a quest to hear more music by a particular artist.


In this excerpt from Fred Hersch's forthcoming memoir, Good Things Happen Slowly: A Life In and Out of Jazz (Crown Archetype), the pianist recalls his introduction to jazz.


“I had my jazz epiphany on wintery night near the end of 1973.I had recently returned to my hometown of Cincinnati after one term at Grinnell College. There was a small club in town called the Family Owl, and I went in expecting to catch some bluegrass in the basement. At the entrance I noticed a sign that said "Live Jazz Upstairs." On a whim, I climbed the stairs to the second floor, where a local saxophone quartet was playing.


The leader was a tenor saxophonist named Jimmy McGary, a fiery little man in his forties with a reddish-gray beard. He was a strong player with a full tone and a hard-swinging feel. The bassist was a wiry guy of indeterminate age named Bud Hunt—a solid player not quite on McGary's level. The drummer was a hulking, mad-looking bear of a man named Grover Mooney. He played in the mode I would later associate with Elvin Jones, with a kind of rolling approach to time. The pianist, who didn't make much of an impression on me, was playing a Fender Rhodes.


There was no sheet music on the stage. The musicians seemed to be creating the music out of thin air. I was mesmerized.


On the break at the end of the set, I worked up my courage, went up to McGary, and asked if I could sit in. He said, "Know any tunes?"
I said, "I think I can play 'Autumn Leaves.'" McGary nodded, and when it was time to start the second set, he waved me oh. I took a seat at the Rhodes, trying to look casual about it, and played "Autumn Leaves." Actually, I overplayed it and messed up the form without knowing it. Adrenaline rushing, I went back to the bar.


After the set, McGary came up to me and said, "Come with me, kid." He brought me to a small break room in the back of the club. There was a table in the corner that held a portable record player and a few LPs stacked next to it. Jimmy lit a joint and passed it over to me. While I was taking my hit, he put the record on the turntable. "Now listen to this," he said. "Don't talk — just listen."


The LP was Ellington At Newport, the live recording of Duke Ellington and His Orchestra at the 1956 Newport Jazz Festival. Jimmy picked up the tone arm and dropped the needle on the second track of the second side: "Diminuendo And Crescendo In Blue," the number that made the performance a sensation, with 26 improvised choruses by the tenor saxophonist Paul Gonsalves. The energy was extraordinary, building with every chorus Gonsalves played. People were hooting and hollering like it was a rock concert. It was absolute hysteria. But beneath it all you could hear the fabric holding it all together, the shared sense of swing rhythm that brought the musicians together — the basic rhythm of jazz. At the end, Jimmy picked up the needle and looked me in the eye. "That's time," he said.


"Now, you have to have time. And you have to know some tunes. So, as soon as you've done some listening and you've worked on your time and you know some tunes, you can come back and play."


Later that week, I went to Mole's Record Exchange, a cluttered store in the university area that sold used albums for a buck or two. I rifled through the jazz bins, working my way from A to Z, and bought every album that had a version of "Autumn Leaves" on it: records by Miles Davis, Ahmad Jamal, Bill Evans, Oscar Peterson, Erroll Garner, Stan Getz, Chet Baker, Cannonball Adderley — more than a dozen. I brought the pile home and played each version of the tune, skipping all the other tracks. Then I played them all again, one by one. It was a revelation. Some were subtle, some virtuosic, some brisk, some meditative. Each version was unique, and all of them were all great.


It struck me: In jazz it's individuality, not adherence to a standardized conception of excellence, that matters most. Difference matters — in fact, it's an asset, rather than a liability. There is no describing how exhilarating this epiphany was for me, as a person who always felt different from other people.”


[Excerpted from GOOD THINGS HAPPEN SLOWLY. Copyright c 2077 by Fred Hersch and David Hajdu. Published by Crown Archetype, an imprint of the Crown Publishing Group, a division of Penguin Random House LLC.]

Barney Wilen: Jazz, French Culture and Bleak Chic

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


At one point in my professional career, Paris was a frequent destination of my business travels. The work involved a large insurance company that was headquartered in La Défense a major business district in the Paris Metropolitan Area.


The company I worked for had an international staff and its Paris-based broker would pick me up from my morning arrival at the airport and take me to the insurance carrier’s office in La Défense.


On one such occasion, he was waiting for me at the curb as I exited the airport. When I got in the car, its CD player had on music that was vaguely familiar to me.


“How was your flight?,” he asked. “Long,” I replied. “Did you get much sleep?,” he asked. My usual reply to this question was “very little” but this time I suddenly recognized the music playing on his car CD and instead said: “That’s Barney Wilen.”


He turned to look at me and said in a tone of amazement: “You know Barney Wilen!?” “Yes,” I said, “and that track is Duke Jordan’s Jordu which is from an old RCA LP that I have. “Right,” he said, “it is one the sixteen tracks on a double CD set that was recorded at the Club St. Germain in Paris in 1959.”


Now it was my turn to be stunned: “Sixteen? The original LP only had four tracks!” “Looks like you have a lot of catching up to do. Let’s talk about it more tonight at dinner.”


We spent the remainder of the drive into town from the airport discussing the business proposal that was the reason for the meeting at the La Défense-based insurance company.


At dinner that evening, my Paris associate brought me as a gift my own copy of the double CD of Barney Wilen at The Club St. Germain [RCA 74321454092 and 74321544222] which along with Barney Wilen on tenor saxophone features Kenny Dorham on trumpet, Duke Jordan on piano, Paul Rovère on bass and Daniel Humair on drums.


My friend asked me what about Barney’s playing had so impressed me when I first heard him many years before the 1997 release of the double CD Club St. Germain set.


I answered that it was the joyousness of Barney’s sound that was so startling to me. When my friend asked why Barney’s “joyous sound” made such an impression on me, I replied with words-to-the-effect that I never expected to hear upbeat music from a French Jazz instrumentalist.


My broker-associate was very perplexed at my answer so I attempted to explain it further by sharing with him that my view of French culture when I first heard Barney was shaped by the existential writings of Jean-Paul Sartre, the darkness and despair of film noir movies created by a variety of renown French directors and the general state of bleakness and ennui that seemed to permeate so much of French culture at the time. Barney just seemed to me to be a breath of fresh air by comparison to the foreboding heaviness that shrouded all things French.


I said: “I’ve never been able to reconcile this contradiction.”


My French friend looked at me after summoning the waiter to bring the cheese trolley over to our table and exclaimed: “Oh, I can easily explain it to you. Barney was from Nice!”


Recently, I was reminded of this conversation when I came across my copy of Barney Wilen at The Club St. Germain and replayed it while reading the following essay which appeared in the 2013 holiday issue of The Economist magazine.


Entitled Bleak Chic, the essay makes it quite apparent that not much about the view of French culture that I had has changed since I first heard Barney Wilen play Jazz over a half century ago.


What with the Bleak Chic description of la culture française, I would have thought that Barney’s approach to Jazz would have been less joyous and more involved with The Blues.


I guess the fact that Barney was from Nice accounts for this disparity.


The essay is populated with images of Barney’s recordings and you’ll find a video tribute to Barney at its conclusion.


BLEAK CHIC


“ONE of the most perplexing questions of the early 21st century is this: how can the French, who invented joie de vivre, the three-tier cheese trolley and Dior’s jaunty New Look, be so resolutely miserable? To outsiders, the world’s favourite tourist destination embodies the triumph of pleasure over desk-slavery, slow food over fast, the life of the flâneur over that of the frenetic. Yet polls suggest that the French are more depressed than Ugandans or Uzbekistanis, and more pessimistic about their country’s future than Albanians or Iraqis. A global barometer of hope and happiness puts the French second to bottom of a 54-country world ranking, behind austerity-battered Italians, Greeks and Spaniards, and ahead only of Portugal.
Happiness is of course a slippery concept. Asked if they are happy, people everywhere are more than likely to say yes; far fewer say that they laugh much. Gallup, a pollster, has devised a global “positive experience index”, based on whether respondents report that they laughed and smiled a lot or did something enjoyable the previous day. By such measures, France does better than the world average. But take out war-torn or poor countries, and measure the French against fellow rich nations, and they still turn out to be unhappier than their peers. The French report fewer “happy experiences” than those in America, Britain, Germany, Switzerland, Sweden, Canada, Norway, the Netherlands, Austria and Belgium. The land of the bon vivant is an unhappy outlier.
Claudia Senik, a French economist at the Paris School of Economics, calls this the “French unhappiness puzzle”. In a 2013 study, she found that the French were not only unhappier than their level of wealth and unemployment would suggest, but also more discontented than French-speaking people in Belgium and Canada (so language is not the reason), and more miserable when they emigrated compared with non-French expatriates in the same place (so they take their gloom with them). “Unhappiness seems to be more than about life in France,” Ms Senik concluded. “It is something about being French.”
Naturally, Ms Senik’s findings caused a stir in France, prompting Maureen Dowd, a New York Times writer who was visiting Paris at the time, to report that “joie de vivre has given way to gaze de navel”. Le Monde ran three pages under the title “Liberté, Égalité, Morosité”, in a bid to decode its fellow countrymen’s “persistent melancholy”. France, it turns out, has the highest suicide rate in western Europe after Belgium and Switzerland. An American psychiatric study showed that, among ten rich countries, the French were the most likely to have a “major depressive episode” at some point in their life. Even the French language seems to be particularly well stocked—morosité, tristesse, malheur, chagrin, malaise,ennui, mélancolie, anomie, désespoir—with negativity. Can there really be something about being French that makes for so much gloom?

Fifty shades of noir
Two periods in France’s recent history have contributed most to the rich seam of misery in its culture—one after the revolution, the other after the second world war. In the quarter-century from the fall of the ancien régime in 1789 to 1814, France overthrew a monarchy, endured the Terror, and lost an empire. After this period the Romantic movement, from Baudelaire to Chopin, expressed a melancholy infused with nostalgia and ambivalence towards a society dominated by rationalist thought and bourgeois values.
In “René”, a novel published in 1802, Chateaubriand introduced to the world the tortured French youth, whose “wretched, barren, and disenchanted” existence embodied what the writer called the mal du siècle. In his memoirs, Chateaubriand recognised that he had set more of a trend than he had bargained for:
If René did not exist, I would not write it again…all we hear nowadays are pitiful and disjointed phrases; the only subject is gales and storms, and unknown ills moaned out to the clouds and to the night. There’s not a fop who has just left college who hasn’t dreamt he was the most unfortunate of men; there’s not a milksop who hasn’t exhausted all life has to offer by the age of sixteen; who hasn’t believed himself tormented by his own genius; who, in the abyss of his thoughts, hasn’t given himself over to the “wave of passions”; who hasn’t struck his pale and dishevelled brow and astonished mankind with a sorrow whose name neither he, nor it, knows.
Romantic miserabilism was experienced as a form of pleasure. “Melancholy”, wrote Victor Hugo, “is the happiness of being sad.” It was treated as a noble state, a higher aesthetic condition. “I do not pretend that joy cannot be allied with beauty,” wrote Baudelaire in his diary. “But I do say that joy is one of its most vulgar ornaments; whereas melancholy is, as it were, its illustrious companion.” Much of this tradition is firmly fixed in today’s French mind. Hugo’s poem “Melancholia” is required reading for French lycée students, as is Alfred de Musset’s “La Nuit de Mai”, whose narrator laments that “Nothing makes us so great as great sorrow.”
The strange beauty of melancholy finds some echo in mid-20th-century France, which produced a second wave of miserabilism. Françoise Sagan’s “Bonjour Tristesse”, published in 1954, for instance, opens with the 17-year-old Cécile’s lament:
A strange melancholy pervades me to which I hesitate to give the grave and beautiful name of sorrow. The idea of sorrow has always appealed to me, but now I am almost ashamed of its complete egoism. I have known boredom, regret, and occasionally remorse, but never sorrow. Today it envelops me like a silken web, enervating and soft, and sets me apart from everybody else.
Yet the ennui that marked this second period had less to do with nostalgia than nausea. In “L’Etranger”, Albert Camus’s protagonist, Mersault, is perhaps the world’s best-known embodiment of anguish in the face of the unknowable meaning of existence, or the absurd. Post-war French theatre developed the absurd, through the plays of Camus, Jean Anouilh and the Franco-Romanian Eugène Ionescu. Samuel Beckett, an Irishman, wrote “Waiting for Godot” in French. On a chilly winter’s evening in 1953 on Paris’s left bank, two years before the play went on to unsettle English-speaking audiences, it was first staged at the 75-seat Théâtre de Babylone, and struck a chord with post-war Paris.
Neither Camus nor his contemporary, Jean-Paul Sartre, was ultimately a pessimist. But it is the torment of existentialism, rather than its conclusions, that captured the imagination. Indeed, the left-bank literary clique led by Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, which gravitated to the cafés of Saint-Germain-des-Près, adopted ennui as a way of life as well as a philosophy. When Sartre handed the original manuscript of “Nausea” to Gallimard, his publisher, he entitled his novel “Melancholia”.
Perhaps the best exemplar of miserabilism among contemporary French fiction writers is Michel Houellebecq, the controversial Goncourt-prize-winning novelist, in such nihilist works as “Whatever” or “Atomised”. His characters invariably lead empty, often sordid, always disillusioned lives. “In the end,” writes Mr Houellebecq in “The Elementary Particles”, “there’s just the cold, the silence and the loneliness. In the end, there’s only death.”
There have, of course, been periods during which the gloom lifted. It was after the double shock of the Franco-Prussian war of 1870-71 and the bloody Paris Commune, after all, that the Impressionists took their tubes of paint and brushes outdoors, delighting in light and colour. Despite a measure of fin-de-siècle anxiety, the belle époque was a moment of breezy certainty. Gustave Eiffel unveiled his wrought-iron tower in 1889. By 1900 the City of Lights drew 51m visitors to its universal exhibition, under the theme of “Paris, capital of the civilised world”, and Matisse, Derain and other fauves had started to capture exuberant colour and warmth on canvas. Yet miserabilism seems to have a greater hold on the French mind today.

I doubt, therefore I am
One reason could be the French appetite for brutal self-criticism. From Descartes onwards, doubt is the first philosophical reflex. “The rationalist tradition makes us sceptical; we exist through criticism,” argues Monique Canto-Sperber, a philosopher and director of Paris Sciences et Lettres, an elite university. “We treat those too full of hope as naive.” In “Candide, or The Optimist”, published in 1759, Voltaire mocks the folly of looking on the bright side in the face of unimaginable horrors. “Optimism”, says a disabused Candide in the novel, “is the madness of insisting that all is well when we are miserable.” When a French magazine recently tried to decode today’s national pessimism, it concluded: “It’s Voltaire’s fault”. “We find it more chic and more spiritual to doubt everything.”
Up to a point, this is an affectation of the elite. “It is in a certain Parisian milieu that there are intellectuals who are grumpy by trade,” argues Jack Lang, the Socialist former culture minister: “There is a gap with the rest of French society.” Yet France cherishes public intellectuals, so their influence spreads wide. It is a talking, thinking culture. Its films value dialogue over plot; its talk-shows are interminable. The French, wrote a helpful official guide for British servicemen heading to France for the 1944 liberation offensive, “enjoy an intellectual argument more than we do. You will often think that two Frenchmen are having a violent quarrel when they are simply arguing some abstract point.”
The country treats its philosophers like national treasures, even celebrities, splashing photographs of them across the pages of glossy magazines. And it ensures that the canon of French thought is fed to the whole country. All pupils taking the school-leavingbaccalauréat exam must study philosophy, and teenagers are examined on such cheery essay questions as “Is man condemned to self-delusion?” or “Do we have an obligation to seek truth?”. So if French intellectuals are predominantly critical pessimists, miserabilism may in part be the consequence of holding them in such esteem. Were Americans to pay more attention to the writings of Noam Chomsky and Jared Diamond, perhaps they would be gloomy too.
This critical reflex reaches right into the classroom, generating a further source of negativity. In French schools, for example, the tradition is for teachers to grade harshly, and praise with excessive moderation. Under a nationwide system that awards marks out of 20, a pupil doing a dictée has points (or even half-points) deducted for every error; so a child swiftly ends up with zero. The idea is that all children can always do better. The result is a lack of what the French, borrowing English syntax, call “la positive attitude”.
Fully 75% of French pupils worry that they will get bad grades in maths tests, according to an OECD study, nudging stressed-out South Korean levels (78%). A recent government-commissioned report on a small pilot experiment in some French secondary schools, where Cartesian grading had been shelved in favour of a more encouraging system, noted with some surprise that weaker pupils were absent from school less often, more confident in the classroom, and “less stressed when faced with failure”.
If the French are life’s critics, they are at the same time idealists, and these two make unhappy bedfellows. Thanks to the philosophers of the Enlightenment and the 1789 revolution, the concept of progress towards an ideal society has, despite periodic turmoil and bloodshed, been a powerful narrative in the French mind. The best embodiment of this is the French declaration of human rights. Unlike the American declaration of independence in 1776, which guaranteed the rights of all Americans, the French version 13 years later guaranteed the rights of all mankind.
To this day, the ambition to inspire the world with a secular republican ideal, backed by the spread of French culture and language, stirs political leaders. “France is only itself when in pursuit of an ideal,” wrote Dominique de Villepin, a former prime minister, in a deliberate echo of Charles de Gaulle’s reference to the country’s “exceptional destiny”. It is great stuff for myth-making, as De Gaulle demonstrated so masterfully after liberation from Nazi occupation. But when reality does not quite match up to ideals, self-criticism kicks in and misery results.
Left-wing French intellectuals never quite got over the failed revolutionary promise of the May ’68 student uprising, nor their disillusion at the declining influence of French thought from the 1980s onwards. Others struggled to reconcile French values with the country’s darker moments, notably under occupation. Today, “belief in a better tomorrow has come to an end,” says Christophe Prochasson, a French historian. “There is a crisis of progress.”
Put simply, the French know that they have enjoyed a fabulous way of life, and are depressed by the thought that neither the French model, nor Europe, seems able to provide the prosperity or the national grandeur it once did. The upshot is that “we are collectively animated by a sense of doom and decline,” says Dominique Moïsi, of the French Institute of International Relations. “We have in mind this great nation of ours: the major power in Europe under Louis XIV and Napoleon I, the biggest allied standing army in the first world war. Now there’s a sense of ‘What happened to us?’.”

The pleasure of pouting
France is not alone in contemplating its diminished status. Britain had a grand past too. But the post-colonial, post-industrial British do not share the French sense of national depression, partly because they never considered their empire to be part of an effort to export a culture or a model society. And, having accidentally given the world the English language, Britain feels relaxed about its global cultural influence. The contrasting decline of French, once the language of European diplomacy, high culture and polite conversation, is felt as a national wound.
Idealistic France’s painful reckoning with decline is therefore quite different to the British approach of resigned muddling-through, argues Jean-Philippe Mathy, of the University of Illinois, in “Melancholy Politics”. It is almost, says Mr Prochasson, the historian, a form of bereavement. “There is a very profound pessimism today due to the realisation that France is becoming a country like any other, and this is difficult.”
Does it matter? Certainly, France’s high suicide rate is a serious cause for concern. Dissatisfaction also makes the French a particularly fractious people to govern, ready as they are to contest, and protest, at the slightest excuse. Confidence too is elusive in a country given to pessimism, making it harder still for politicians to persuade the French to try new ways of doing things.
Yet pessimism has not stopped France from enjoying itself. French hedonism has survived miserabilism—or perhaps provided a refuge from it. Even in the immediate aftermath of the 1789 revolution, the country exhibited a “thirst for pleasure”, as one contemporary newspaper report put it: “The stream of fashion, a succession of dinners, the luxury of their splendid furniture and their mistresses, are the objects that chiefly employ the thoughts of the young men of Paris.” With firework displays, extravagant fashion, circuses and carousels, Paris at the time, for the rich at least, was all about enjoyment. During les années folles, upper-class American tourists took the steamer to Normandy and then the railway to Paris, drawn to France, writes Harvey Levenstein, a historian, as “a land that was free from American puritanism, where the pursuit of pleasure reigned supreme”.
Nor has miserabilism discouraged the French preoccupation with beauty and taste. France does not wear its gloom like a dreary accessory. On the contrary, its culture delights in elegance, sensuality, quality and form: the exquisite hand-stitching on the haute-couture dress; the immaculately glazed tartes aux framboises lined up in the pâtisserie window. The aesthetics of daily life, the art de vivre, remains a source of both grand gestures and small stolen pleasures. It is no coincidence that the two biggest luxury-goods groups in the world are French.
Modern French culture may not have supplied great writers to rival Hugo or Molière, and Paris may lack the buzz of New York or London. But it is hard to argue that negativity has stifled French creativity. Would France have brought the world existentialism had Sartre been a cheerful fellow?
The critical impulse has promoted cultural innovation. Both cinema’s New Wave and French literary theory were born of critical reconstruction of what came before. Some of France’s most creative periods have followed bleak times: the flowering of painting, literature and science after its defeat in the Franco-Prussian war, or of the avant-garde in art and fashion after the horrors of the first world war. Christian Lacroix, a French designer, points out that war and revolution in France have been times of “creative reinventions, the moment new forms of luxury come into play”.
Perhaps the French need dissatisfaction and thrive on doubt. “There is a certain pleasure taken in being unhappy: it’s part of an intellectualism of French culture,” says Ms Senik. “Malaise and ennui are to France what can-do is to America: a badge of honour,” wrote Roger Cohen in the New York Times recently. Pessimism does not preclude pleasure. All that sitting around at pavement cafés, looking fashionably discontented, can be fun. Optimism is for fools; sophisticates know better. Bleak is chic—especially when opening another bottle of Saint-Emilion and reaching for the three-tier cheese trolley.”

Caricature and Syncopation – The Art of The Unexpected

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


In Art, caricature is generally a gross exaggeration and/or oversimplification of someone’s features.

In Jazz, syncopation comes from a rhythmic displacement created by articulating weaker beats or metrical positions that do not fall on any of the main beats of the bar, while stronger beats are not articulated.

Because both caricature and syncopation come as a surprise to the senses, they take us to unexpected places and cause a feeling of wonderment.

Indeed, because of its unpredictable nature, the eminent Jazz author, Whitney Balliett, exclaimed that Jazz was “The Sound of Surprise.”

Caricatures have a long association with political lampooning such as those that appear in editorial cartoons.

Movie stars are often the subject of caricatures in entertainment magazines.

The word “caricature” comes from the Italian “caricare” which means “loaded portrait.”

When human faces are drawn with a resemblance to some other animals, Italians call this “caricatura.”

While not, per se, antisocial, caricatures often carry a counter-culture connotation, something outside the mainstream of society or something that is unconventional.

Almost from its inception, Jazz, too, was deemed inappropriate music for normative society.

Jazz’s syncopated rhythms were startling to the measured-metered-ears of those in staid society. In their sedate and serious view, Jazz sounded reckless and wild and was sometimes referred to as “Jungle music.”

Of course, the rejection that parents gave Jazz when it first appeared in the 1920’s and 1930’s was just what it needed to make it more attractive to the younger generations of those decades.

Although it may sound herky-jerky, frenetic and out-of-control, the “irregularities” of Jazz syncopation are in reality a fairly sophisticated process.

The same can be said of caricature.

Before one can alter the prevailing standards of an art form, one has to master them.

Caricaturists are often highly accomplished artists who prefer to take their art in unexpected directions.

If you will, they become practitioners of “The View of Surprise.”

A similar level of sophistication is required of the Jazz musician in order to master the intricacies of syncopation as described below by Barry Kernfield in The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz. [pp. 87-88; paragraphing modified]

Irregular articulations.

“The character and vitality of jazz derive to a considerable extent from the irregularity of its rhythms. While rhythmic tension can be created by the setting up of conflicting patterns (…) between the explicitly stated beat and the lines played against it, greater subtlety results from rhythmic articulations that shift and change in their relation to the beat.

Syncopation, which is fundamental to jazz rhythm and ubi­quitous in both arranged and improvised pieces, involves the shifting of articulations from stronger beats to weaker ones or to metrical positions that do not fall on any of the main beats of the bar; the strong beats are silent, either because a rest occurs in those positions or because the articulation of a pre­ceding weak beat is tied over (…).

Syncopation depends for its effect on a persisting sensation of the beat against which the articulated notes set up strong rhythmic contradictions; unless the beat is preserved in another voice in the ensemble or is swiftly reasserted, the listener loses his consciousness of the metrical framework, or even of the beat itself, and the syncopated pattern ceases to be perceived as such.

Examples of syncopation are most obvious in (but by no means restricted to) performances in which a steady pattern of accents placed on the beat (for example, the two-beat formula of a ragtime bass line or an unchanging jazz-rock drum ostinato) provides an accompaniment against which syncopated lines are creat­ed. Some fundamental rhythmic devices in jazz are based on syncopated patterns (…).

In the process known as ‘turning the rhythm (or beat or time) around’ the meter is accidentally or deliberately rede­fined over a long period by the displacement of accents or the disturbance of phrase structures. The repositioning of strong and weak beats in the metrical unit of the bar, by means of dynamic accent, harmonic change, and the shaping of melodic lines, is at first perceived in conflict with the established meter, but gradually the ear is persuaded that the new positions are regular and a shift in the meter is thus achieved.

Exciting, even disorienting, effects can be created if different members of the ensemble pursue their own independent definitions of the meter.”

While there is no formal relationship between caricature and Jazz syncopation, frequent readers to the blog know of the editorial staff’s fondness for combing Art and Jazz in videos produced with the assistance of the crackerjack graphics team at CerraJazz LTD and the production facilities of StudioCerra.

In order to illustrate both caricature and Jazz syncopation the following video features the work of caricaturist Charles Bragg and the music of tenor saxophonist Ralph Bowen’s quintet.

Both have their own websites which you can visit via www.charlesbragg.comand www.ralphbowen.com, respectively.

The music is Ralph’s original composition A Little Silver in My Pocket on which he is joined by Jim Beard on keyboards, Jon Herington on guitar, Anthony Jackson on contrabass guitar and Ben Perowsky on drums.  The tune was named in honor of Ralph’s time as a member of Jazz great Horace Silver’s quintet and it can be found on his Movin’ On Criss Cross CD [#1066]

Although the song’ structure is not particularly complicated, it is made to sound so because of the way it is syncopated, particularly by bassist Anthony Jackson and drummer Ben Perowsky.

A Little Silver in My Pocket has it all - rhythmic displacement, shifting meters, odd time signatures, turned time, irregular beats – all of which are more startling to the ear because of where Ben Perowsky places the articulated beats to create the underlying syncopation of the tune.

Speaking of Perowsky, stick around if you can to 5:37 minutes and listen to how Ben really heightens the tune’s fade-out with a series of super, drums licks.

Talk about “irregular articulations!”



Art Blakey and Muscle Jazz

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Art Blakey was one of jazz's staunchest advocates throughout his long life in the music. The little speech he would deliver at the end of every set may have sounded mawkish to some, but there was no doubting the sincerity of his commitment to its sentiments. For Blakey, jazz really was the greatest art form ever developed in America, delivered from the Creator through the musician to the people, and he was always happy to repeat what seemed to him the self-evident facts of the matter, as in this extract from an interview with this writer in 1987.

‘Jazz is just music, that's all. This is what we like to do, this is what we like to play. Charlie Parker, and Dizzy, and Monk, guys like that, they took the music to a higher level of performance, to the highest level of performance on a musical instrument, and it's spiritual music, where the audience have a part to play as well, they're not excluded from the music. The music comes from the Creator to the musicians, and the musicians play to the audience, they don't play down to them. You have to present something to the people, you can't just do anything.’

What Blakey presented to the people for the best part of nearly fifty productive years in music was the quintessential hard bop band, The Jazz Messengers. He built the band on a solid foundation acquired in the decades when swing transmuted into bebop, and persevered with the music through some barren years before seeing a resurgent interest during the last years of his life in the form he did so much to define.”
- Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965

“Cette confidence est la clé de toute l'œuvre d'Art. La force de la communauté noire, c'est sa foi. Jouer de la musique constituera donc toujours pour Art l'occasion d'affirmer cette foi. Le batteur se forgera ainsi une force intérieure inébranlable grâce à une vie spirituelle riche. Et cette vision du monde, qui marie la musique et la religion habitera le musicien tout au long de sa vie. C'est pourquoi il se considérera toujours comme porteur d'un message divin -lui n'étant qu'un modeste intermédiaire, une simple « porte battante » entre le monde terrestre et l'univers céleste.”

“This confidence is the key to the whole work of Art. The strength of the black community is its faith. Playing music will therefore always be an opportunity for Art to affirm this faith. The drummer will forge a unshakable inner strength through a rich spiritual life. And this vision of the world, which combines music and religion, will inhabit the musician throughout his life. That is why he will always regard himself as the bearer of a divine message - a modest intermediary, a simple "swinging door" between the earthly world and the heavenly universe.”
- Georges Paczynski, Une Histoire de la Batterie de Jazz

The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York. …

“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along.

What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”
- Burt Korall, Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years:

“I hear an element of Art Blakey in almost every drummer. He remains a great influence to this day.”
- Rudy van Gelder, iconic recording engineer

Nobody has ever played Jazz drums like Art Blakey:

Power and passion were his bywords. He didn’t play the drums, he exploded them.  Every time he played a press roll, I thought the walls were going to cave in.

What he laid down on the drum kit sounded complicated, but it wasn’t. If you were a drummer, you didn’t study Art’s technique.  But, if you listened to him with your heart and mind open, you learned how to engage your emotions in the music and how to propel the swing that makes Jazz cook.

Art Blakey was all about RHYTHM.

Muscle Jazz would be an apt description for the style of Jazz that Art favored as he led his Jazz Messengers through a 35 year excursion of the World of Hard Bop.

Until his death in 1990, Art’s life revolved around two things: Jazz and his religious faith. He brought unremitting zeal and fervor to both.

“To go through life and miss this music - Jazz - would be like missing one of the greatest things about living.”

Art said this often and he led everyday of his musical life as a though it were a musical devotion.

Art Blakey, who was known to many as Abdullah Ibn Buhaina or simply as “Buhaina” or "Bu," remains synonymous with an open, deeply swinging, often searing form of modern jazz.

A small, wiry man, with enviable energy and a strong personality, he played and spoke authoritatively and with unusual freedom.

He was a compulsive storyteller and went on at great length about whatever concerned him, often embroidering the basic theme differently each time around — as he did in his playing.

Music was everything to Blakey. Like his friend and idol Kenny Clarke, he began to live only after he entered music. A native of Pittsburgh, sharing this derivation with Clarke, Billy Eckstine, Earl Hines, Roy Eldridge, Mary Lou Williams, and Dodo Marmarosa, among others, he served his musical apprenticeship in the industrial city, then moved into a wider, more demanding world.

Art was born in 1919. At thirteen, Blakey went on his own so he could help his foster mother. Employed in either the nearby coal mines or the fearsome local steel mills during the day, he played piano in clubs at night. Soon he turned to music full-time. The day jobs were dangerous and low-paying. The clubs were more pleasant: he loved being in the company of musicians, and the money was far better.

Blakey could play piano in a few keys, but he didn't know a quarter note from a baseball. He took his own band into the Ritz, a local club. His "ears" made it easy for him to deal with the music until a top act came in from New York with arrangements. Blakey tried every ruse possible while the band ran the charts down. But it was clear he couldn't do what had to be done.

Erroll Garner, a very young Pittsburgh pianist, was in the house. Even though he wasn't literate in a formal musical sense either, he had fantastic native ability. Immediately upon hearing the music, Garner played what was needed and took Blakey's spot. The club owner, a gangster, who carried extra authority in the form of an angry-looking automatic, said if Blakey wanted to stay, he would have to play drums. And that's how it all started. The year: 1934.

As Burt Korall explains in his seminal Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years: The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York.

"Honey Boy" Minor, a local drummer whom many musicians from the area remember, provided valuable insight when it came to playing shows and reaching audiences.

The gifted Kenny Clarke was an inspiration to Blakey from his early days and from then on. Because they had many life and musical experiences in common and grew up in the same sort of economic and psychological circumstances, it wasn't entirely unexpected that their focus and interests as jazz musicians would be so similar.

The drummer who really got inside Blakey — and an entire generation of drummers — was Chick Webb. The centerpiece of his popular Harlem big band, he became a national figure with the help of his communicative singer Ella Fitzgerald before his death in 1939-

Blakey was close to Webb. He worked for him as an aide and valet, always watching, listening, paying close attention to what the drum king said and advised. Webb made it clear to the young drummer that concentration on developing his hands and conception was crucial. He advised Blakey to work on creating his own identity and strongly suggested he lighten up on show business tactics, even though Webb was a top-of-the-line showman.

Sid Catlett also had a major influence on what and how Blakey played. Ray Bauduc, the star of the Ben Pollack and Bob Crosby bands, caught his attention. He admired Bauduc's capacity to swing and what he did for a band. Duke Ellington's Sonny Greer was a factor in his development as well. The Ellington veteran had the sort of adaptability and discipline that Blakey sought to bring to his own playing.

“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along. What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”

Blakey caught on with the famed composer-arranger-bandleader Fletcher Henderson for the first time in 1939. The following year, he played with a small band headed by Mary Lou Williams, who, after leaving Pittsburgh, made a name as pianist-arranger with the Andy Kirk band. Williams brought Blakey to New York for the first time in 1940. The group played at Kelly's Stable.

Blakey was in and out of the Henderson band until shortly before he joined Billy Eckstine in 1944. During a Henderson tour of the South in the early 1940s, the drummer was involved in a racial incident in Albany, Georgia. A local policeman beat him brutally about the head with a truncheon. The concussion and other injuries stemming from this unprovoked attack made major surgery necessary. A steel plate was placed in Blakey's head.

The drummer left the Henderson band to spend a period of time in Boston with his own group of musicians, playing at the Tic Toe Club and the Ken Club. It was during this interval—late in the spring of 1944—that he was asked to join the Billy Eckstine band at the Plantation Club in St. Louis.
Eckstine and Dizzy Gillespie had the most to do with the concept of the band and who the players would be. Shadow Wilson was Eckstine's first choice for the drum chair. They had been in the Earl Hines band together. Wilson was hired; he made some of the first Eckstine band records for Deluxe. Then he was caught in the draft.

In the first week or two of June 1944 when the band played its initial dates, Eckstine had drummer trouble, big time. Gillespie suggested Blakey, feeling he could solve the band's problems. The drummer had certain basic capacities that appealed to the trumpeter-musical director. Though he hadn't heard him, Eckstine hired Blakey for three basic reasons. He'd been strongly recommended by Gillespie, someone Eckstine respected enormously. The drummer had spent a considerable amount of time with a big band and knew how to handle himself in that context. And Art Blakey was from Eckstine's hometown.

Once again, Blakey learned on the job. Not on intimate terms with the new music, he opened himself to what was happening around him. He became familiar with the twists and turns and initially puzzling sounds and rhythms of bebop. Blakey took risks and made some mistakes. Before long, the sturdy drummer hit his stride. He had the ability to hear and make adjustments, to meet the music head on, involving himself in its demands and possibilities.

Dizzy Gillespie, Blakey's mentor and teacher, brought him around; the often humorous trumpeter could be a stern taskmaster. Gillespie told the drummer what and when to play things and why. Often he would jump up and move over to the drums and sing phrases and rhythms to Blakey.
There is a well-documented story that makes the point best. When Blakey joined the Eckstine band and was just beginning to find his way he arbitrarily inserted a shuffle rhythm into one of the arrangements. Gillespie berated him in front of an audience, as the band continued to play and the dancers moved around the floor. He made it clear that Cozy Cole would have been hired had the band wanted that sort of rhythm.

The meticulous Gillespie did all he could to extract from the young drummer what he knew was there. He encouraged Blakey to play his own responses to the music. And that's what Blakey did. But it wasn't as easy as it seemed from the audience.

The drummer played his way through difficulties. As he noted numerous times in interviews, there was so much happening in the band. Everything moved by so rapidly. Blakey was in the middle of a musical thunderstorm. He had to be a quick study to survive. Fortunately he was a good listener and a fast learner.

The Eckstine band was like a school, filled with high-level, ambitious students, all trying to go in the same direction, all seeking to live up to what they heard around them. Working in the company of such luminaries as Gillespie and Parker, Dexter Gordon and Gene Ammons, Freddie Webster, Fats Navarro, and Miles Davis—for a little while—made for constant pressure and musical challenges.

The recordings do little to mirror the band's impact. The sound is dreadful; the recording studio must have been small and underwater. But the band's loose yet imperious swing and power and the creativity of the players gets through. The Armed Forces Radio broadcasts are a far superior source. You realize how wild, exciting, and inventive this exploratory ensemble could be. In person, it was a killer experience.


Blakey was making a modern statement in a big band—in the process revealing a raw, sometimes frightening talent for modern jazz. Burt Koral: “When I saw and heard him for the first time, I was bewildered, as were several others with training on drums. For those of us who were used to hearing the beat sharply enunciated with little or no embroidery—and we certainly were in the majority in the mid-i940s—Blakey could be infuriating. His vibrating left hand and heavy, active right foot made the beat a bit elusive.
Moreover, he could be terribly sloppy. He moved awkwardly, was lacking in grace. But what came out was often impressive—even if you didn't immediately know why.”

The music was different. Certainly the racial attitudes of the players in the Eckstine band had little in common with what was typical of their older predecessors on the black band scene. Blakey told Cadence editor Bob Rusch: "It was a young band and they weren't going for nothin.' Everybody ... was armed. . . . The war brought about changes."

Though the players were untamed and loved a good time, they were very serious about what they were doing and had to toe the line.

There also was humor and humanity in the hand. Jazz historian and New York radio personality Phil Schaap says: "The guys took pity on Blakey because he had a terrible, ragged-looking drum set. One day they called him into a room and torched his drums as a joke. But in the corner was a brand-new Slingerland kit that they had bought for him."

Blakey felt that the Eckstine band was one of the key experiences of a life filled with great music. The public made the band a going proposition for a while. Young ladies were drawn to Mr. B.'s cavernous baritone voice and film star handsomeness. But the music, beyond what Eckstine sang, could be a bit much for the general audience. The music press had little good to say. "Later journalists and critics described the band as legendary, marvelous," Eckstine told Burt Korall, adding: "While we were trying to make it, they gave us almost no help."

Not only that, the band didn't get the breaks that are so necessary for success. The records were so badly done. The band had few, if any, hotel or location dates with air time — nightly coast-to-coast broadcasts crucial to widely disseminating its message, giving the band an edge. Engagements at New York's Lincoln Hotel, then a base for the Basic band, were promised but never finalized. Places of that stature, which featured coast-to-coast remote broadcasts, could have given Eckstine what he needed. But the Eckstine band had no luck. It offered too much too soon for an audience used to the uniformity of Swing Era bands. Even after all this time, the Eckstine music remains memorable and exciting. It's easy to understand why the visionary bandleader was so bitter about how things turned out.

Like the others in the band, Blakey was a witness and contributor to history. The records document a central, contemporary jazz drum style taking form. Crucial to the feel of the band, Blakey played unforgiving, feelgood pulsation. Tapping out the time on his Chinese cymbal he really cut through to the marrow of the matter. Beyond a vivid, basic foundation, he also consistently offered telling evidence of the potency of his ideas.

Blakey made all the "hits"—the key ensemble accents—backing the band strongly. He shaped and sharpened the configuration of the arrangements. "Bombs"—snare/bass drum combinations—were potently placed. He generally enhanced the impact and interest of the music by deftly employing rhythmic counterpoint, double-timing, triplets, and rolls. A variety of colors enriched the thrusting, undeniable pulse.

Try Gerry Valentine's "Blowing the Blues Away," with "Mr. Dexter" Gordon and "Mr. Gene" Ammons riding a crest stirred up by Blakey. Also "I Stay in the Mood for You," a bluesy ballad featuring Eckstine up front singing, the fizz of boppy trumpet lines—certainly written by Gillespie—and a Dizzy solo.

Even on the slower things, showcasing Eckstine, Blakey keeps you awake and alert, waiting for his next combination of sounds to take you by surprise.
Following the dissolution of the Eckstine band, Blakey made sure the feeling and sound he had lived with for three years would not entirely disappear from his life—at least for a little while. A big band, the 17 Messengers, was formed. Blakey insisted big band experience was important to musicians, because it provided education on several levels and what he often described as "a family atmosphere."

Fats Navarro, Miles Davis, Kenny Dorham, and the Heath Brothers— Jimmy and Percy—were among those involved. Thelonious Monk wrote some material for the ensemble and showed up at rehearsals—generally at Smalls' Paradise in Harlem—to run the band through his compositions. The Messengers rehearsed a good deal but played only a few gigs.

Blakey always said that his association with Thelonious Monk was so very important for his development—as a man and as a musician. "He was responsible for me," the drummer often asserted. The two were very close

friends and saw each other another almost every day. They talked and played together. Monk's son remembers the two being inseparable.
Thelonious Monk, Jr.: “Art was always at the house. His face was the second male face that became familiar to me at the beginning of my life. He was making most of the records with Thelonious. I would see him everywhere— on record dates, on the handstand, at his house and mine.

A quintessential character, he had that rough voice and always was talking a lot of stuff—about this, that, and the other—talking loud, really sounding like the leader of the pack.

When I became a drummer. I learned how to swing from Art Blakey.”

Blakey plays two basic roles: time player and interpreter-commentator. He adds both reason and the unexpected to the music. Using all the elements of the set, snare, tom-toms, the bass drum, the rims, the drums' shells, the cymbals—all parts—the hi-hat cymbals and hi-hat stands, and even the sounds of the drumsticks themselves, he simultaneously defines Monk and himself.

More than almost any other musician, Monk calls on Blakey's capacity for subtlety, thoughtfulness, quiet creativity. You might think this would be a stretch for a generally "bashing" player like Blakey. But it's not.

The trio recordings Blakey made with Monk for Prestige in 1952. and 1954 show how well he could do what was needed. He plays responsively and responsibly. Blakey shows to best advantage on Work, a thirty-two-bar structure. He paints in pastels but remains an underlying rhythmic presence and source of light, provoking accentuation and left-hand commentary.

His solo is one of his best. A triplet figure establishes direction. Derived from a pattern he plays behind Monk before he breaks into the open, it is variated and cleverly developed. His comments emerge out of the music itself, not any form of preconception.

Over a chorus and a half, Blakey builds upon the triplet idea, complicating matters as he goes along, changing the solo's balance and density. The resulting multilayered commentary derives its personality from the rhythms acting on one another and being skillfully linked. Blakey's juggling and juxtaposition of rhythms and his admirable architectural sense make
this forty-eight bars interesting to listen to again and again. His mastery of "independence"—the use of hands and feet, each with its own rhythm or rhythms—makes for new levels of interest. There is no speed or flash involved, just unfolding, naturally rendered music—from the drums.

The pairing of Monk with Blakey and his Jazz Messengers in the late 1950s—Johnny Griffin (tenor sax), Bill Hardman (trumpet), and Spanky DeBrest (bass)—Art Blakey's Jazz Messengers With Thelonious Monk (Atlantic), is also certainly worth attention. The two friends, more outgoing and competitive than usual, meet on a middle ground between the straight-from-the-hip swinging of the Messengers and the unorthodoxy of Monk. The balance is tipped by Monk's compositions, comprising five sixths of the album, and, of course, his piano playing.

The milieu motivates more diverse improvisations by Hardman. The speedy Griffin, who later played regularly with Monk, shows he's a very engaging, adaptable player. Rather than fighting it, as some do, Griffin follows where it leads, entering into the developmental process. Blakey clearly finds the situation stimulating. The drummer digs into his seemingly endless resources, using whatever keeps the music interesting and moving. Cross-stick rhythms, imaginative use of triplets, rumbling explosions, and his general intimacy with the mysteries of Monk, help define and redefine the music.

Blakey proved on many occasions that he could be surprisingly effective when performing quietly, in an almost modest manner. The trio recordings he made with the now legendary pianist-composer Herbie Nichols on Blue Note in 1955 are a case in point. In the listening lies the realization that Blakey's fire could burn at a low flame. He could infiltrate the music, remaining at moderate volume, with delightful, light-handed decoration adding impact.

Blakey allows Nichols's music to speak to him on its own terms. He reacts in much the same way he did to Monk and other artists who have a base in tradition but veer to the thoughtful and unusual. He seeks to I establish firm rhythmic grounding while tracking the music's form, its emotion, its implicit and explicit demands. He utilizes an open, reactive, instinctive approach. Blakey plays for Nichols and his music, showing little ego, staying away from the excessive and unnecessary.

I also suggest the recording the drummer made with Gil Evans in the late 1950s, New Bottle, Old Wine (World Pacific). An intensely personal orchestral album, featuring alto saxophonist Julian "Cannonball" Adderley and other leading jazzmen, it offers more evidence of Blakey's flexibility, discretion, and perception as a player.

No matter what the Evans arrangements of well-known jazz compositions — "King Porter Stomp,""Lester Leaps In,""Manteca," etc.—ask of him, Blakey responds in a manner that strengthens the material. He reads nothing and senses everything, as has always been the case. In essence, Blakey allows the punishment to fit the crime, never sacrificing his own voice, only lowering it a bit. He mixes well with the other instruments, sometimes almost disappearing in the blend.

When Blakey worked with the Duke Ellington (1952) and Lucky Millinder bands (1949) and others, he did the job that was called for. He became part of the sound and the setting. With Ellington, he played what he called "Ellington drums," laying down the rhythm, coloring and swinging, doing what Ellington wanted and needed. And that wasn't An Blakey playing bebop.

With Millinder, the drummer mixed up a batch of cooking, updated Harlem swing. The ebullient Harlem bandleader and showman, though not trained as a musician, knew what he wanted. And Blakey gave it to him. With Illinois Jacquet's swinging little band, with Charlie Parker at the Three Deuces on 52nd Street—both in the 1940s—and later as a member of Earl Hines's small band, very typically, Blakey did what was needed and expected in each situation.

Blakey learned early that each context has its own set of rules. Because he came up during the Depression, when you took every job to survive, he became a bit of a pragmatist. Never, however, would he make sacrifices purely for commercial reasons. His evolution as a musician was far too important to him.

Blakey went through a startling growth phase during the years separating the breakup of the Eckstine band and the formation of the Jazz Messengers as an ongoing group in 1955. A lot happened to him, not all of it related to music. He converted to Islam, as did many black musicians during that period. The reasons for this vary and in some cases are a matter of speculation. Some found the religion an escape from blackness, racism, and all that reminded of slavery. Others sought and found peace in the faith— another view of the world. French Jazz drumming historian Georges Paczynski suggests that Art’s conversion to Islam became a source for confidence in all aspects of his life.

Blakey lived in Africa for a period late in the 1940s. His goal was to study Islam and fully understand religions as they related to him. Many journalists insisted he made the trip to find out more about African music, drums, and rhythm. However, he consistently disputed this view. His investigatory stay in Africa had a philosophical focus rather than a musical one.

During this time and extending through the 1950s, Blakey involved himself with all kinds of music and musicians. As early as the latter years of the 19405, he began looking into African and Latin root sources, absorbing rhythms and techniques essential to the two intersecting musical streams. His interest in techniques of Latin and African derivation progressively became a factor in his playing.

According to Ray Barretto: “No other drummer came as close to the African and Latin root as Blakey. I did a couple of records with him, with Sabu on bongos ami timbales and some other people. Art talked a lot about his Latin and African influences. They became more and more a part of him. Every time he played "fours" or "eights," something African or "Latinesque" inevitably would flavor his comments. He was really empathetic with all that rhythm.”

This became unmistakable on record in 1948. Blakey was an integral part of saxophonist James Moody's recording for Blue Note, James Moody and His Bop Men, which also featured several outstanding gentlemen out of the Dizzy Gillespie big band, including the influential bongo/conga drummer Chano Pozo. Out of the sessions came a Latin/jazz fusion success, Tin Tin Deo.

Blakey had a flair for juggling a variety of musical elements and making them collectively work for him, His tom-tom playing, the way he used his elbow to change a drum's sound, and his timbale and cowbell techniques, as applied to jazz, all grew out of his burgeoning Afro-Latin interests.


Blakey's feeling for Afro-Latin music motivated him to make other cross-culture recordings, including Orgy in Rhythm, Vols. 1 and 2 (Blue Note). Informing, often exciting music, it featured accomplished Afro-Latin and jazz musicians pooling their concepts. In the diverse lineup were Art Blakey and Arthur Taylor, drums; Jo Jones and "Specs" Wright, drums and timpani; Sabu, bongos and timbales; "Potato" Valdez and Jose Valiente, congas; Ubaldo Nito, timbales; Evilio Quintero, concerro, maracas, and tree log; Herbie Mann, flute, Ray Bryant, piano; and Wendell Marshall, bass.

"Buhaina called me just as I was opening the door to my apartment, here in town. I'd just had a long, difficult flight from Europe," Arthur Taylor remembered. "Get yourself down here to my session, I need you!" Blakey insisted. "A.T." complained he was too fatigued for a record date. Blakey wouldn't give way.

Taylor took his tired body and his drums to Manhattan Towers, where the session was going on. "Everyone felt good; there was food, drink, and beautiful ladies around," Taylor said, then noted: "The music and the musicians got everyone going."

Cross-culture musical activities aside, something far more basic and significant was happening to Blakey's playing. Trace his recordings from 1947 into the 19505. You sense the change. Listen to The Thin Man, recorded in 1947 for Blue Note with an octet out of his big band. Compare that with what Blakey does on the MGM records, done in 1952. with leader-
clarinetist Buddy DeFranco, pianist Kenny Drew, and the omnipresent bassist Curly Russell. Then audition the glorious live 1954 Blue Note sessions at Birdland, with Clifford Brown, Lou Donaldson, Horace Silver, and, once again, Curly Russell. A new, far more effective and exciting Blakey had emerged.

The newfound intensity and surge relate directly to one singular technique: closing the hi-hat briskly on "2" and "4" of every 4/4 measure. This may sound simplistic, but the effect was momentous. It stabilized, centered, and sharpened Blakey's time; enhanced, integrated, and brought a sense of style and finality to his work. It was the key that unlocked everything.

Buddy DeFranco: “We were together for two and a half years in the early 1950s—recorded many albums, traveled around the world. My little band was really hot. With Art back there, you couldn't coast. I never played harder—and it was so enjoyable

Art was in charge of the rhythm. No doubt about it. When I was tired before a job, I'd say something like ‘I don't think I can make it tonight.’  Art would say: ‘I'll make you play!’ And he did—every time.

It was a happy group, I was the only white guy. None of us thought much about it. In our world, a guy played or didn't play. That's all that was important. We traveled together, stayed together.”

The 1954 Birdland recordings on Blue Note provided the stylistic foundation for the rest of Art Blakey's career. His style had completely crystallized. His pulsation was undeniable, a natural force; the counter-rhythms he brought to the mix made what he played that much more affecting. There was a purity about what he did—and always motion. He was spontaneous, free, creating every minute.

That he was in the company of peers, all performing in an admirable manner, had a lot to do with making this "on-the-spot" session such an important musical document. The band never stops burning. The exhilarating Clifford Brown moves undaunted through material, fast, slow, in between, playing fantastic, well-phrased ideas that unfold in an unbroken stream. His technique, almost perfect; his sound, burnished. He's a gift to the senses.

Lou Donaldson, an underrated alto player in the Bird tradition, offers much to think about while you're tapping your foot. Horace Silver is crucial to the effect of this music, much of it his own. Certainly the rhythms that inform his piano playing and writing make it all the more soulful. On this and other records he serves as a catalytic agent, provoking swing and engaging intensity. Hard-hitting, unpretentious, communicative, Silver has little use for compositional elements or piano techniques that impede his message. A live-in pulse permeates his music and his playing, strongly affecting the shape, content, and level of excitement of his performances and those of his colleagues.

An original and tellingly economic amalgam of Parker, the blues, shuffling dance rhythms, and a taste of the black church for flavor, Silver is quite undeniable. Listen to his delightful "Quicksilver" on A Night at Birdland With the Art Blakey Quintet, Vol. 1 (Blue Note). It capsulizes what he does.
On this album, Curly Russell shows once again he can play "up" tempos and interesting changes. He ties in well with Blakey. But Silver and Blakey, in combination, determine the rhythmic disposition of the music. Blakey's natural time and fire raise the heat to an explosive level before the listener realizes how hot the fire has become.

Perhaps more than other recordings Blakey has made, the Birdland session documents his great strengths and technical failings. At almost every turn, he shows what an enviably well coordinated, buoyantly confident, rhythmically discerning player he is.

As a soloist, he's either breathtaking in the manner of his mentor Chick Webb, as on "Mayreh," or a victim of inconsistency. And it's always under the same circumstances. In the hope of achieving great speed he over-taxes his technical capacities and fails. You hear him stiffening up and becoming increasingly less precise. He was not a virtuoso.

The Jazz Messengers, the band that made Blakey an internationally admired jazz figure, came into being in 1954.

Horace Silver was playing at Minton's in Harlem. Blue Note's Alfred Lion wanted to get Silver in the studio to make follow-up recordings to his successful trio releases. It was decided to present the pianist-composer as a
group leader. Two members of his Minton's quartet—tenor saxophonist Hank Mobley and bassist Doug Watkins—and trumpeter Kenny Dorham and Blakey made the sessions. The resulting album, Horace Silver and the jazz Messengers, was a great success.

It was timely and seemed to answer a need. The music and the performances had the directness and simplicity, the straight-ahead quality, that countered a suggestion of compositional pretension that was becoming a factor on the jazz scene in the mid-1950s.

This LP established what was to follow. The band played hard swinging music, mingled with what Silver described as a "gutbucket, barroom feeling." It reached into bebop, the blues, and sounds, rhythms, and feelings out of the black evangelical churches. The music had an earthy taste and more than a suggestion of black reality.

Blakey and Silver were into essences. The band emphasized directness and economy. The music was called "hard bop." I'm not sure the descriptive is appropriate, but it did give comfort to those who market records and are obsessively involved with categories.

After a while, the band as a co-op didn't work. Silver felt a band should bvea "leader," someone to make the decisions and give direction. He left the group to freelance; there was no bad feeling involved. A little later Silver put together his own band, which was pretty much in the same groove as the hand he had left behind. Blakey took the Jazz Messengers name and hired his own people. He remained the leader and central force of the Jazz Messengers until his death in 1990.

Silver and Blakey created a centrist position for jazz. Both had strong feelings about swing and communication and audience participation. Their band had a "sound." It was black music that brought forward emotion in no uncertain terms. Open and, at times, unrelenting, the music had more to it than was immediately apparent. It had substance, freedom, discipline, ind soul, a proud quality and a deeply historic center. The ballads, articularly treatments of the great American standards, were thoughtful and lyrical —
meditative qualities not generally associated with either Blakey or Silver.

Blakey wanted organization in his band, discipline beyond the looseness of the jam session. He determined his answer was "music," compositions lat would give the Messengers a foundation from which all would develop. Over the years, he retained "musical directors" and utilized writers within the band who could do this for him. He hired musicians—generally young, talented, and hungry who had the wherewithal to make the music meaningful, The only specification he made to the writers involved: that the music retain a base in swing.

The Jazz Messengers, either a quintet or sextet—two or three horns in the front line and three rhythms—became a school for aspiring players. Blakey was the master teacher.

The list of those who attended the school over three and half decades is imposing indeed. So many leading players: Johnny Griffin, Freddie Hubbard, Jackie McLean, Lee Morgan, Curtis Fuller, Bobby Timmons, Wayne Shorter, Wallace Roney, Benny Golson, Bobby Watson, Wilbur Ware, Hank Mobley, Billy Harper, Doug Watkins, Joanne Brackeen, Gary Bartz, Reggie Workman, Cedar Walton, Ira Sullivan, Terence Blanchard, Wynton and Branford Marsalis, Billy Pierce, Sam Dockery, Spanky DeBrest, Donald Harrison, James Williams. It goes on and on.

The style and goals of the Messengers remained consistent through the group's long history. Improvisation gave the band life and variety. Certain writers and musical directors altered or enhanced things without affecting its identity. Benny Golson contributed discipline and a great deal of melodic writing. Wayne Shorter developed rapidly and brought a new depth to the
band, as a writer and as a player. Lee Morgan, Freddie Hubbard, Cedar Walton, Bobby Watson, and the others gave what they had to the music.

Any way you turn it, the Messengers was Art Blakey's band. Any time you heard the group, no matter what edition, you knew who and what you were listening to. As drummer Cindy Blackman commented to Burt Korall: "Art was tribal. He'd get you one way or the other. Before you knew it, that volcanic pulse was into your feet, your whole body. His comping, his solos, his fantastic time did it for me and everyone else. He'd just draw you in!"

Blakey played until the last shot was fired. Deaf, ill, it didn't matter. There was only one thing he knew—and loved. A preacher for the jazz cause, a teacher of young people, an innovator and great player, he fulfilled his mission.

For all the marvelous things Blakey did for music and musicians, he, like many others of his generation, was deeply into drugs. One writer friend of mine said he "handled it" very well. Some say he eventually put it aside. Considering his stature among young musicians, how influential he became as a respected source and a role model, the Blakey involvement with drugs seems a paradox. But remember where he came from—his link with the turbulent, revolutionary 1940s and the plague it spawned. It is best to keep in mind his good works and how creatively he played.

Art Blakey brought new muscle and meaning to the modern drum style. He played with such concentration and acuity that the beat entered your system through pores opened by excitement. He seemed to be everywhere as the music told its story.

Sweeping through his large catalogue of recordings, as leader and as sideman—with equals like Miles Davis and Sonny Rollins—he seldom fails to satisfy. He very personally reacted to the music and made it better just because he was there and knew his job.

Proud, self-involved, but also kind, Blakey could be generous and supportive to a musician who deserved encouragement. This is an important part of his legacy.

[The editorial staff at JazzProfiles is indebted to the following source for information about Art: [1] the drummer world website, [2] Modern Drummer magazine, [3] Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965, [4] Burt Korall, Drummin’ Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz – The Bebop Years, [5] Georges Paczynski Une Historie De La Batterie De Jazz and Downbeat magazine, [6] JAZZ IMPROV Magazine Vol. 4 No. 3 with a feature article on Art Blakey and 2 CDs].


Erwin Blumenfeld and Bill Evans - Superimposition and Overdubbing [Revisited]]

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

Given the vagaries of copyright law, the blog got one back from the regulators and it features in the form of the video at the end of this piece. It's always been one of my favorite features because it underscores the relationship between the artistic and the technical, the co-relationship that exists between all of the arts and how individual genius can add new dimensions to artistic endeavor.


“Even when he pursued more mainstream efforts, [Lennie] Tristano seemed doomed to get caught up in controversy and partisan jazz debates. His 1955 recordings of Line Up and Turkish Mambo for the Atlantic label employed overdubbing and tape manipulation. Critics complained that Tristano "sped up" the tape of Line Up, and the resulting brouhaha prevented many from hearing the riveting brilliance of the improvisation. Played at any speed, it stands out as one of the finest jazz piano performances of the era.”
- Ted Gioia, The History of Jazz, p. 252.


Conversations with Myself has aroused sometimes fierce views both for and against its approach, but in an age when overdubbing is more or less the norm in record-making, its musicality is more important.”
Richard Cook and Brian Morton, The Penguin Guide to Jazz On CD


“Evans used the overdubbing concept as a creative force, the three "voices" operating at different dynamic levels, initiated by his touch, and closely controlled by Creed Taylor's chosen engineer, Ray Hall. Often, a harmonic track functioned like a watercolorists background plane, a subdued level upon which lead voices could "perform" in highlighted tone. These might be improvised melodic lines, or fragmentary comments etched in crystal octaves. Sometimes a walking bass took over a chorus or two. The roles were also exchanged, the harmonic layer, perhaps, turning up in a different voice later on. In this regard, Evans achieved a feat of memory that took in the overall view. He even managed to breathe in unison with himself, as in the uncanny, threefold-synchronized phrasing of “A Sleepin' Bee.” …


“This monumental venture was a feat of endurance from the ailing pianist. He began to suffer from heroin withdrawal during the sessions, but he insisted on completing the job. Helen Keane and Gene Lees, deferring to his resolve, turned the lights down low and lent their heartfelt encouragement.


Although some listeners resist what they consider to be overkill, preferring Evans to communicate directly with them rather than with himself, it remains a work of staggering resource and beauty, appreciated especially (but not only) by professional pianists. Early the following year, the album brought Evans his first Grammy Award, and Britain's Melody Maker voted it jazz record of the year for 1964.”
- Peter Pettinger, Bill Evans: How My Heart Sings [pp. 143-144]


To take just two examples from the World of Art: when does Jazz or photography become less an artistic endeavor and more a gimmick? When do they lose their pure form and become a contrivance, a ploy, a publicity stunt? When do they reach a point of losing intrinsic merit in order to attract attention, arguably for commercial benefit?


For most of us, I think the answer to these questions becomes something along the lines of beauty being in the eye of the beholder. Some of us have more tolerance of things that entertain us such as Jazz or photography being presented in other than a “pure” form. For others, any alteration is sacrilegious


Overdubbing in music, especially in Jazz, and superimposition, particularly in photography, are two examples of altering the purity of a form of art that generally evoke outcries of deception, trickery and manipulation, especially if the artists involved reap a financial gain through such means.


I always thought that such protests were lame in the extreme and that the answer lay in the results that are achieved by the overdubbing, in the case of recorded Jazz, and via the superimposition, as relates to the finished photographs.


I prefer to view the end results of overdubbing and superimposition as the creation of a new texture: in the case of Jazz, a new sonority; in the case of photography, a new finish or feel or tone.



My line of inquiry in search of an answer to these questions was prompted by my recent discovery of the photographs of Erwin Blumenfeld and my rediscovery of two albums by pianist Bill Evans Conversations with Myself [Verve 821-984-2] and Further Conversations with Myself [Verve 314 559 832-2].


Both Blumenfeld and Evans received severed criticism for their supposed alterations of the sacrosanct processes of making Jazz and photography.


So I thought it would be great fun to compound the matter even further by putting Bill’s overdubbed piano and Erwin’s superimposed photographs together in the video that you will find at the end of this feature.


Bill Evans may be more widely known to the Jazz fans who visit this site, so here’s some background information on Erwin Blumenfeld from Lori Cole which she wrote for the Modernism Inc exhibit of his work in San Francisco, CA which ran from November 4/2010 - February 26/2011.



“A Dadaist collagist–turned-photographer, Erwin Blumenfeld began publishing his fashion shoots in magazines like Vogue and Cosmopolitan in the late 1930s. Working with print solarization and superimposition, and using mirrors and gauzy fabrics to divide photographic space, Blumenfeld transformed both the models and their clothes into collage-like elements. In Fashion Collage, ca. 1950 — which depicts a woman laden with boxes, her head covered by a blank white spot, standing against a backdrop of New York City — he flaunts each fragment that makes up the work. In Nude in Stockings, New York, 1945, he isolates a model’s fishnet-clad legs from her torso, defamiliarizing the body as he emphasizes the product’s texture.


Blumenfeld creatively manipulated available technology to produce these images, posing a woman in black gloves and a dainty hat behind a chain-link fence to fracture her in Model with Black Gloves and Hat (for Vogue), Paris, 1939. In his works, the disjointed facets of collage are most often staged using mirrors. The model in Dayton Ad, New York, 1955, looks at her multiple reflections in the mirror, mimicking and returning the gaze of the viewer. This replication culminates in Kaleidoscope, 1961, in which a pinwheel of mirrors splinters the figure, recasting her as a design motif.



Spanning the artist’s commercial photography career through the 1960s, these vintage gelatin silver prints are rounded out with a few color images reissued by the artist’s heirs for the exhibition. In Red Cross (cover for Vogue), 1945, the model’s shadowy body melts into the cross that segments the space, with only the green of her hat distinguishable from the red lines that structure her. Sleek, off-kilter, and provocative, Blumenfeld’s fashion photographs showcase the artist’s fluency with Dadaist vernacular as much as the clothes he helped to promote.”


And, following the 2013 exhibition of his work at Jeu de Paume in Paris [which travel to Moscow in February, 2014], Blumenfeld was also the subject of this feature article in The Economist Magazine [November 9th-15th 2013].


The photographs of Erwin Blumenfeld
Tres glam
PARIS
A self-taught, self-made genius


“ERWIN BLUMENFELD arrived in New fork in 1941 with a suitcase, little English and no professional training as a photographer. Aged 44 and undaunted, he went on to reinvent both himself and fashion photography. He created over a hundred startlingly original magazine covers and countless fashion shots for the slick pages of Harper's Bazaar and Vogue. His images mirrored the energy and excitement of Manhattan in the 1940s and 1950s.


For a Vogue cover from January 1950, Blumenfeld used fierce light to erase a model's features, leaving only an eye, a mouth and a beauty spot. Another cover, this time to raise money for the Red Cross after the second world war, superimposed a translucent red cross over the blurred figure of a model in a turquoise hat (pictured).



"His images are sometimes so complex, it's hard to figure out how he did it," says Ute Eskildsen, curator of a retrospective of over 300 of his works at the Jeu de Paume in Paris. The show will then travel to the Multimedia Art Museum in Moscow in February 2014.


Blumenfeld's inventive images earned him fame as "the best-paid photographer in the world". Yet he chose only four fashion photographs for his book, My One Hundred Best Photos, published in 1981 (he died in 1969). He yearned to be taken seriously as an artist, and began experimenting with the medium during his pre-war years in Berlin, Amsterdam and Paris. On view are hitherto unseen drawings influenced by his friend George Grosz, a leader of the Berlin Dada movement, as well as collages made from his own photographs and magazine cut-outs. Blumenfeld's surrealist image of Adolf Hitler, his face distorted by a skull, covered millions of American propaganda leaflets dropped over Germany in 1942.


A series of nudes illustrates his fascination with the female form. Often headless, these naked women appear remote and mysterious, owing to Blumenfeld's use of mirrors, diaphanous fabrics and solarisation (a darkroom technique that inverts the lights and darks of an image). They reveal the influence of avant-garde photographers such as Man Ray, whose work he saw in Paris in the 19305. Blumenfeld's 1937 masterpiece, "Nude Under Wet Silk", earned him some art-world notoriety when it was published in Verve magazine.




Born in 1897 into a bourgeois Jewish family in Berlin, he got a camera for his tenth birthday. Aged 14, he shot a playful self-portrait dressed as the sad clown Pierrot, holding a mirror to his face to create a double image. "I wanted to be a photographer, pure and simple," he later wrote.


His aspirations turned practical after his father's death in 1913. Blumenfeld worked first for a Berlin garment manufacturer, then drove an ambulance in the first world war, yet he floundered in any job that did not involve film. After getting married in 1921, he set up a handbag shop in Amsterdam, and struggled to get by. He took advantage of a disused darkroom to experiment with portraits and nudes. "Blumenfeld was entirely self-taught, which is why his images have this unique, free-thinking quality," observes Ms Eskildsen.


Upon moving to Paris in 1936 he set up a studio with the help of an art dealer, Walter Feilchenfeldt. A magazine cover for Votre Beaute’ and an exhibition at the Galerie Billiet prompted a studio visit from Cecil Beaton, an English photographer, who swiftly secured Blumenfeld a contract with French Vogue. "His merit as an artist lies in the fact he is incapable of compromise," Beaton noted. One of Blumenfeld's best-known black-and-white spreads, published in Vogue in 1939, features a model perched on the edge of the Eiffel Tower, her flimsy dress fluttering in the breeze.



When war broke out in September that year, Blumenfeld was interned in a series of camps, including Le Vernet. He finally escaped with his family to New York two years later. Studios replete with staff and equipment awaited him, along with a contract with Harper's Bazaar.


This comprehensive exhibition traces a lifetime of creativity. Yet the visitor is ineluctably drawn to the self-confident glamour and colour of Blumenfeld's New York years devoted to fashion and advertising. This is where his true genius is visible. Blumenfeld helped define the way America saw itself-a remarkable feat for a man who described himself as "un-American for ever".


On the subject of the role and relevance of overdubbing in Jazz, Bill Evans felt so strongly in support of this technique that he wrote these liner notes to Conversations with Myself:



A STATEMENT... There is a viewpoint which holds that any recorded music which cannot also be produced in natural live performance is a "gimmick" and therefore should not be considered as a pure musical effort.


Because the performance and recording procedure used in this recording might stimulate this issue to a question in some minds, I requested the opportunity to state my firm belief in the integrity of the idea upon which this album was conceived and some supporting reasons.


To the person who uses music as a medium for the expression of ideas, feelings, images, or what have you; anything which facilitates this expression is properly his instrument. Though one can argue that sirens, airplane motors, ratchets, whistles, etc. are justified more on dramatic than musical grounds, no such question is raised here. In my opinion the only solid and interesting question that the music making here presents is that of whether this should be regarded as a group or solo musical performance.


Until the evolution of jazz group improvisation the history of Western music or music as we know it outside of jazz represents the reflection of one psyche. For the first time in a music of Western origin, jazz group improvisation represents the very provocative revelation of two, three, four, or five minds responding simultaneously to each other in a unified coherent performance.


I remember that in recording the selections, as 1 listened to the first track while playing the second, and the first two while playing the third, the process involved was an artificial duplication of simultaneous performance in that each track represented a musical mind responding to another musical mind or minds.


The argument that the same mind was involved in all three performances could be advanced, but I feel that this is not quite true. The functions of each track are different, and as one in speech feels a different state of mind making statements than in responding to statements or commenting on the exchange involved in the first two; so I feel that the music here has more the quality of a "trio" than a solo effort.


Another condition to be considered is the fact that I know my musical techniques more thoroughly than any other person, so that, it seems to me, I am equipped to respond to my previous musician statements with the most accuracy and clarity.

Yet, I hesitate to state this recorded result is identical to trio performance or more valuable aesthetically or in depth or intensity of emotion. It is in the end still the product of one subject.


Looking at this album in reference to the preceding paragraphs, it would be difficult or impossible to place it solidly in either the group or solo category. For me, the unique and enjoyable experience of recording it was answer enough, and as is always so the music contained therein is or is not the positive evidence of its genuine quality.


I must extend my heartfelt gratitude to Creed Taylor and the expert engineers who worked and waited patiently through so many hours of unanticipated mechanical and musical problems until they were solved and we could proceed to get down to music and recording.


If you are now about to listen, I hope that you will forget any extra-musical questions, though they are often quite entertaining, and allow what I sincerely hope to be an enjoyable and, perhaps, in some ways, unique musical experience to take place.


BILL EVANS”


Recorded in January and February, 1963 Recording Engineer: Ray Hall Director of Engineering: Val Valentin Produced by: Creed Taylor.


In his award-winning book, Meet Me At Jim and Andy’s, Gene Lees offers this anecdotal background on Bill’s recording of Conversations with Myself:


“It was during that winter of 1962-63 that Bill got an idea for an overdubbed album in which he would play three pianos. Overdubbing was by now a widely used technique. It had been pioneered by Les Paul and Mary Ford, then used as a commercial gimmick by many singers, Patti Page among them. But it had rarely been used to serious artistic purpose. Neither Creed Taylor [in charge of Jazz artists and repertoire at MGM/Verve] nor Helen [Keane, Bill’s manager] nor I had any idea what Bill had in mind, but we took it on faith that he knew what he was doing. In January and February of 1963, the album was made in a series of remarkable sessions that made us all intensely aware of the clarity of Bill's musical thinking.


The album was recorded with the tape running at thirty inches per second. The industry standard was fifteen i.p.s., but the higher speed would more accurately capture Bill's tone. The album was made at Webster Hall, and the engineer was Ray Hall. Bill was playing Glenn Gould's Steinway.


Ray would tape Bill's first track. Bill was particularly fussy about the first one. He said that if that wasn't right, the other two couldn't be. Then, listening in headphones to what he had played before, he would add the second track, and finally a third.The four of us in the control booth—Ray, Creed, Helen, and I—were constantly open-mouthed at what was going on. On the second track, Bill would play some strangely appropriate echo of something he'd done on the first. Or there would be some flawless pause in which all three pianists were perfectly together; or some deft run fitted effortlessly into a space left for it. I began to think of Bill as three Bills: Bill Left Channel, Bill Right, and Bill Center.


Bill Left would lay down the first track, stating the melody and launching into an improvisation for a couple of choruses, after which he would move into an accompanist's role, playing a background over which Bill Center would later play his solo. His mind obviously was working in three dimensions of time simultaneously, because each Bill was anticipating and responding to what the other two were doing. Bill Left was hearing in his head what Bill Center and Bill Right were going to play a half hour or so from now, while Bill Center and Bill Right were in constant communication with a Bill Left who had vanished into the past a half hour or an hour before. The sessions took on a feeling of science-fiction eeriness.


In the acclaim for his tone and his lyricism, it is easy to overlook Bill's time. By this point in his life, it had become extremely subtle. But it was there. Bill made several basic tracks on Alex North's Love Theme from "Spartacus." Bill had seen the film with Scott LaFaro, liked the theme, began performing it, and added it to the jazz repertoire. He somewhat altered the release of the tune. After he'd made about six passes at it, Creed Taylor pushed the log sheet along the console to Helen, silently pointing to the times he had marked. Though there were retards and pauses in the music, the time on the first take was, say, five minutes and four seconds. The rest of the takes were 5:06, 5:04, 5:05, 5:06—never a variation of more than a second or two. The final take was 5:05.


Warren Bernhardt had said that Bill always played the essence of a melody. But on "Spartacus," he was playing more than the essence of a love theme, he was playing the essence of love itself, the essence of all tenderness. You love a woman with this feeling, or the autumn or a sunrise or a child.”


Many of the photographs discussed in the two essays on Erwin Blumenfeld are combined in the following video montage of his work and set to Bill Evans’ strikingly beautiful interpretation of composer Alex North’s Love Theme from the motion picture Spartacus.


Lennie Tristano On Multi-Taping, Competition, Recording Echo, Rhythm Sections and Playing Together

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


Nat Hentoff is right about one thing, when you talk with Lennie Tristano as he did in the following interview which appeared in the May 16, 1956 edition of Downbeat, Lennie certainly stimulates the way you think about and listen to Jazz.


Five areas are of particular concern to Lennie as he talks to Nat about the Jazz scene in mid-20th century New York City: the legitimacy of multi-taping, the onerous presence of competition amongst musicians, the overuse of echo in recordings, rhythm sections that impede the flow of the music and growing inability of musicians to play together.


Given our recent feature on overdubbing and superimposition involving the pianist Bill Evans and the photographer Erwin Blumenfeld, the editorial staff at JazzProfiles thought it might be interesting to pursue some aspects of that thread from the vantage point of Lennie Tristano’s talk with Nat Hentoff.


An implied assumption in Lennie’s chat with Nat is how central Jazz was in the popular culture of the time as Rock ‘n Roll had not as yet become a factor and Country and Western and Folk Music were still regionalized phenomena at best.


At the time of this interview in 1956, Jazz still mattered.


© -  Nat Hentoff/Downbeat, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“After he made coffee, Lennie Tristano sat and talked in his studio late one afternoon. Except for a small lamp that gave a bare minimum of light by which to scrawl notes, the studio was dark. The room was also curiously peaceful as if it were used to long periods of silence as well as music, and relatively unused to loud, hurried anxiety.


Usually after an interview, I piece together a mosaic of quotes into a monologue that has more continuity than any real conversation short of a visiting clergyman's can really have. This time I decided not to splice the talk as much as usual, and to record instead what an actual conversation with Tristano is like.


I've talked with many people in line of assignments and after hours, and I am rarely as stimulated as by a talk with Tristano. Like the writings of Andre Hodeir, the ideas of Tristano awaken the kind of attention that moves a mind to think for itself. Whether one agrees with all of Lennie's points or not, one is always aware that unusually probing points are being made.


Lennie's Atlantic LP [#1224 entitled Tristano] had recently been released, his first recording in some four years. It had immediately detonated controversy, a phenomenon hardly new to Tristano activities. While there was nearly unanimous agreement that the music was absorbing, there were strong objections in some quarters to Lennie's use of multiple taping on several of the tracks, and some suspected that in two of the numbers, the piano tape had also been speeded up. A similar multi-track controversy had been ignited by a Tristano single record a few years before.


"I remember," Lennie said, "that around 1952, when that last record came out—"Juju" and "Pass-Time"—there wasn't one review out of the five or so that the record received that mentioned that those two sides could possibly have been a result of multiple track recording. It was only six months or a year later that somebody got the idea it might be, and then the talk started. I never really told anybody whether it was or not.


"One of the people who got so hung up on the subject," Lennie continued with amused calm, "was Leonard Bernstein. He and Willie Kapell were over here one night, and Bernstein finally decided it was a multiple track recording. He couldn't stand to believe it wasn't. And then Kapell sat down at the piano and started playing Mozart 16 times faster than normal. Lee Konitz tried to save the situation earlier by telling them it was multi-track. But he didn't know for sure, either.


"The reason I mention this background for the present controversy"— Lennie became more animated—"is to illustrate one of the most surprising things prevalent in music today—the element of competition. It's true of the musicians and non-musicians. They can't just listen to the music. They have to compete with it. If it's not in terms of speed—whether they can play as fast as the record—then it's in terms of finding out what the tune is. It's ridiculous. You can't hear music if you're not able to sit back and listen a few times, just listen. Then, if you can do that, maybe the fourth or the 10th time, you can figure out what the tune is if you want to. It doesn't really matter, anyway. The music does.


"Getting back to an example of competition by speed," Lennie said, "there was a night I was playing at Birdland, and I was playing something pretty frantic. A boy was standing at the bar—he was a pianist—and as he watched me, his hand got paralyzed. He dropped the glass he was holding, and his hand was still paralyzed a half hour later. That's kinesthetic competition, and it's a pitiful commentary on this urge to compete. Some people are affected physically another way. I've seen them get sick and have to leave the room. It gets them in the stomach. They get scared and have to cut out. They can't just enjoy the music; they listen to see if they can do it.


"It's not just me that some people react to that way," Tristano emphasized. "Many piano players, when Bud was playing great, couldn't stand to listen. They gave up, some of them, and became like slaves, like worshippers. That's why the worshipper has to elevate the artist he worships to such a height. If they remove this particular artist from any type of human contact, they feel they no longer have to compete with him. You don't have to compare yourself with God. It's not as if they had kept him on earth, which is where he belongs.


"Another aspect of this whole thing," Lennie reflected, "is the reaction of a lot of people who have played with me. They can't stand to have me pause in my line. The longer I pause, the tenser they get. Once at a concert in Toronto, I'd stopped for 16 bars. The time was going on and I could feel the drummer get tenser and tenser. Finally I hit one chord, and it was as if I'd set off an explosion. He hit everything on that drum set he could, all at once. The drums were all over the stage. It's like he was waiting for me to pounce on him.


"My audience sometimes reacts the same way when I pause. They get tense. What's Lennie going to do now? What's Lennie going to hit us with next? Instead of listening, they're worrying."


The conversation returned to the new LP. According to Barry Ulanov's notes on the set, "Lennie has fooled with the tapes of 'East Thirty-Second' and 'Line Up,' adjusting the bass lines Peter Ind (on bass) and Jeff Morton (on drums) prepared for him to the piano lines he has superimposed on them." Barry went on to mention the paired piano lines in "Requiem" and "the three lines played—and recorded—one on top of the other in the 'Turkish Mambo'... one track proceeds from 7/8 to 7/4, another from 5/8 to 5/4, the last from 3/8 to 4/4."


"If I do a multiple-tape," Lennie said slowly with determination, "I don't feel I'm a phony thereby. Take the 'Turkish Mambo.' There is no way I could do it so that I could get the rhythms to go together the way I feel them. And as for playing on top of a tape of a rhythm section, that is only second-best admittedly. I'd rather do it 'live,' but this was the best substitute for what I wanted.


"If people want to think I speeded up the piano on 'East Thirty-Second' and 'Line Up,' I don't care. What I care about is that the result sounded good to me. I can't otherwise get that kind of balance on my piano because the section of the piano I was playing on is too similar to the bass sound. That's especially so on the piano I use because it's a big piano and the bass sound is very heavy. But, again, my point is that it's the music that matters."


One of the objections voiced to these particular tracks was that whatever Lennie did to the tape made his playing very fast. "It's really not that fast, though," Lennie said. "There are lots of recordings out there that are much faster. I understand some people say that making a record like the one I made isn't fair because I couldn't play the numbers that fast in a club. Well, I'll learn the record so I can play it at that tempo 'live.' But even as is, it's not that fast. Some people are being misled by the nature of what it feels and sounds like rather than by the tempo itself. The tempo, in most jazz joints, in fact, is faster than on the record. And the record was a little above A-flat. That may account for a little of the speed, too.


"Actually," Lennie said, "we manipulated other things electronically. Am I to be put down for adding a tape echo on the blues and adding a tremolo on the last chorus of that number? In essence, I feel exactly this. When I sit down to do something, I can hear and feel what I want. Instead of trying to have three or four people on hand so I don't have the 'stigma' of multi-track recording, there are some things I'd rather do myself because there are some things I want to do that others are not capable of doing with me.


"If someone objects," Lennie pointed out, "to, let's say, the sound on 'Line Up,' that's a matter of taste. But why not hear what's happening in the line to see if that's of any value, and why not hear what kind of feeling the performance has? I have absolutely no qualms about multi-tracking. This kind of thing happens all the time in the recording of classical music, for one example. Are we supposed to give up the typewriter because we've had the pencil so long? Or am I not to use the Telefunken mike and rely instead on a dirt old crystal mike? I'm sure other people have done a lot more multi-tracking than I have. There's nothing at all wrong, for another example, in a pianist recording both parts of a two-piano classical work. Why is it wrong when I do it?"


I mentioned at this point that a recorded case in point is the Heifetz recording on both parts of the Bach Concerto in D Minor for Two Violins (Victor LM 1051).


"Anyway," Lennie said, "I will continue to do anything that will produce on a record what I hear and feel."


The conversation then veered to the problem of recording itself. "Right now in jazz," Tristano came on strongly, "everything is being recorded with a lot of echo, with the illusion of a big room. Even if the recording is done close, the full impact doesn't come through. It may be that people don't want that direct an impact, maybe they prefer to have everything softened by the added echo and want to hear their music in a sweet, mushy context like Muzak. I'm not against reverberation as such, but this excess use of echo points to the fact that a lot of people can't really take jazz in its straight, natural form.


"A little echo is all right, but now it's no longer being used as an effect," Lennie went on. "Now it's the whole thing.


"As for the Atlantic LP, except for the tracks made at the Confucius, where you really couldn't get a good balance—the engineers did a good job considering everything—the rest of the LP I made here at the studio without an engineer. And those tracks came out pretty good.


"I used a Telefunken, a great mike, maybe a foot or a foot and a half over the strings. On the blues I added a little tape echo. There was no echo, I think, on the
others here. I was trying to get a kind of cathedral sound, and I think I made it. There's quite a difference, incidentally, between a tape echo and echo chambers or reverberation generators. Tape echo, I feel, is a little more pronounced and more natural. With tape echo you can actually hear the echo coming through the second time instead of a big hollow, open sound as with an echo chamber."


Since various aspects of recording had dominated the talk up to this point, I asked Lennie why he had waiting so long to record again, even though he had received offers from almost every label in the field. "For one thing," Lennie explained, "I wasn't able to find a rhythm section. I don't mean, let me make clear, that there aren't any good rhythm section men. I just couldn't find one for myself, and I still can't."


Asked what he wanted in a rhythm section, Lennie detailed his requirements: "I want time that flows. I want people who don't break the rhythm section with figures that are really out of context. What figures are used should be in the context of what's happening, so as not to break continuity. A lot of drummers interpolate figures that break the line. All of a sudden, the line stops, and he plays a cute figure on a snare drum or a tom-tom. Some bass players do that, too. They break time to play a figure that doesn't fit with what's already happened and is happening. With rhythm sections I've played with, I don't have the feeling of a constantly flowing pulse no matter what happens. As soon as I feel the pulse being interrupted, my flow is interrupted whether I'm playing or resting, because it's all the same thing.


"I also need in a rhythm section people with feeling for simultaneous combinations of time—people who are able to perceive 5/4 and 4/4 at the same time. I'll probably be doing more and more of that. Working with 7/4 and 6/4 and the double times of those—5/8, 6/8, 7/8, and maybe sometimes 9/8. Occasionally, I've played something and tried to figure it out afterward, and have maybe done some 13/8."


Lennie continued his description of the rhythm section he's seeking: "I'd like to have a rhythm section with a feeling for dynamics. One of the faults of most jazz today is that it proceeds at one dynamic level.


"What I'm after is not an up and down kind of thing but something pretty subtle. Parenthetically, I think that drummers today are doing too much. They play the bass drums, sock cymbal, snare drum, top cymbal—four basic instruments right there. Add to that tom-toms, other accessories, and funny noises like tapping on top of the snare, and it's all much more than one man should be doing.


"Then there's the matter of tempo," Lennie said. "Rhythm sections today like to play a real fast tempo—'cooking' as some people call it. A real fast 2/4. As a result, everything is pat and things go by so fast with generally a good feeling that they don't miss the subtleties, subtleties that ought to be there. Another thing is the ridiculous ballad tempo that's prevalent. They try to get it just right so they can play double time on that, too, so they really wind up in the same place. And the in-between tempos are generally very crude.


"I want to play a lot of different tempos and more of the in-between. For example, many of the early Bird records and the early Pres sides with Basic were played at these in-between tempos. A couple of the Pres records—like 'Clap Hands, Here Comes Charlie'—were fast, but he made it. Now 'Ko-Ko' was one of Bird's fastest records, and it wasn't as good as the more in-between 'Warming Up a Riff,' also based on 'Cherokee,' which had more creative Bird.


"Another thing I've missed," Lennie said, "is that people don't seem to have a feeling of playing together. That's a general comment, of course. Some people play together better than others. But a lot of people give the impression of everybody manning his particular gun and shooting wherever he wants to. Remember the old Billie records with Teddy Wilson, Roy and sometimes Pres? The rhythm section on those is sort of old-fashioned now, but they really played together. This is probably true of jazz in general right now. You don't hear the kind of togetherness in the groups that are playing. There's either a neat, commercial jazz sound, or they're trying to improvise and it's a little ragged."


Lennie came back to his specific problems with rhythm sections. "I have trouble with bass players and chord progressions. I've pointed out to them that instead of trying to find out where I'm going, they'd do a lot better and get a better sound by playing the foundation chord instead of trying to get to where I am at the moment. If they're on the fundamental chord, they'll get to relate to what I'm doing and eventually get to where I am sometimes.


"To make another general statement," Lennie said, "everybody's a soloist now.
There are no more sidemen in the world. Everybody is a star. I can't imagine anything more monotonous, for example, than a bass playing two or three choruses on a ballad unless it's a good bass player like Oscar Pettiford who can solo."


"What about the charge," I interjected, "concerning the long time you didn't record, the charge that you didn't want to set down your ideas so people could have them that accessible for copying?"


"I don't think anyone would want to copy me to start with," Lennie answered. "And what I do isn't pat or that perfect anyway. Now the way Bird played his ideas, they were perfect the way they were. Changing some of the notes would have spoiled them. What you can do is mix them up or play them in different sequences but the essential idea was perfect. Another thing you can do with Bird's ideas is play them on a different part of the bar. Instead of one, start the idea on two. Or you can stretch a 4/4 idea into 5/4 or 7/4, lengthen the phrase. I feel that if Bird's situation had been conducive to this sort of thing, he would have done that kind of thing himself. I remember doing a concert with him and we were warming up without a rhythm section. I was playing some chords and he was really stretching out.


"Another factor in my not having recorded in so long a time is that I'm not ambitious. If I don't think I have something to record that means something to me, I don't feel the necessity to release it. At least half the records of mine that are out are rejects from my point of view. A couple of the Capitol sides, for instance, and most of the Prestige, a couple on Disc, and the four on Royale. It's really pretty silly because it means part of my audience likes me because of my bad records. That's why I've felt that as soon as I learned how to play I'd lose a big part of my audience, an audience that's not too big to start with.


"I don't think, by the way," Lennie said, "that I'm the next jazz messiah. The way some people have spoken or written of me pro and con may have created the impression I thought that, but that isn't the way I think, and I've never said it Maybe that impression is also due to the antagonism against me in some quarters. If enough people put somebody down, he assumes a large proportion in some eyes.


"What I am doing is trying within the limits of my ability to develop my capacity to improvise so that I'm really improvising as much of the time as I can. I think I've


done a few things that haven't been done, at least to the extent that I'm doing them, but I don't feel there's anything 'great' about them. It took me a long time, for example, to feel 5/4 and 10/4 on top of 4/4. It's something that can't be done intellectually. It's something you have to get the feel. I am not running some kind of weird laboratory and manipulating scientific gadgets. It's been hard learning how to play what I feel on the piano because the piano is a difficult instrument. There are fingering problems we all have. Other instrumentalists, for example, generally can make the same note with the same finger. With the piano, there are spatial problems..."


There was a visitor downstairs, and this next turn in the conversation had to be postponed. As I was leaving, Lennie said, "There is one other thing I'm looking for, and perhaps the magazine's readers can help. We'll have to be leaving this building soon since they're tearing it down. I haven't found a new location yet. Anybody with an idea can write me at the studio, 317 E. 32nd St.


"I also am thinking of starting a club again. As for working in other clubs, I have offers, but I'm not sure yet what I'll be doing in that regard. Jazz musicians are expected to be entertainers. I'm not. Although I feel I can be very entertaining sometimes among friends."

The following video features Lennie's overdubbed version of Turkish Mambo.

The Evolution of the Piano in Jazz

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“... the chief source of what jazz piano became was Earl Hines. ...


Armstrong's opening cadenza on West End Blues seems to have been to a whole generation of young musicians an assembly call to a new kind of music. Armstrong was departing from his New Orleans roots, establishing himself as the first great virtuoso jazz soloist. From then on jazz musicians would be expected to be improvising soloists. Armstrong further liberated the music's rhythmic character. The stiffness typical of both ragtime and the New Orleans polyphony found in Morton's work is gone.


There is no bass player on that famous recording. The bass line is the responsibility of the pianist, who has the job of laying out the harmony — in this case just the blues changes. The pianist is Hines, destined to have an influence on jazz pianists that is not sufficiently appreciated to this day….”


“Little wonder they called him the Father. Beginning with Hines, the piano, that loner among instruments, was gradually assimilated into the ensemble.”
- Gene Lees


“Boy, I sure feel sorry for you having to lug those drums around all the time.”


The speaker was a piano playing friend of mine who was standing at the back entrance of a Jazz club watching me unload drums cases from my car.


I responded: “Well at least I’m sure of the touch, feel and sound that I’m going to get from my instrument, which is more than you can say.”


He said: “Ain't it the truth.”


In those days, the reality was that a piano player never knew what to expect in terms of the quality of the instrument he was going to find on a gig.


And if the piano was of poor quality for him, it was bad, too, for all the other horn players as they had to try and tune to it.


While, the piano played a prominent role in Ragtime, the syncopated music that preceded the advent of Jazz, it found its acceptance slow going during the early years of small combo and later, big band, Jazz for the reasons explained in the following article.


Piano Solitaire
Jazzletter
Gene Lees
April 2005


“When in 1952 Gerry Mulligan launched his quartet with Chet Baker, critics and others were startled that it contained no piano. This very fact lightened its texture and enabled Mulligan and Baker to engage themselves in contrapuntal lines a piano would only have cluttered.


There was precedent for what Mulligan did, both in the New Orleans marching bands — the piano is conspicuously not a marching instrument — and in European chamber music. The piano, indeed, is not really a member of the orchestra. In a symphony orchestra, excepting when the orchestra accompanies it in forms such as the concerto, it is assigned to the percussion section.


In common with the other keyboard instruments, it has tempered pitch. We have become so accustomed to tempered pitch that we forget that it is inherently, though subtly, false.


Tempered pitch was developed to make it possible for keyboards to play in all keys. To achieve it, certain tones were raised slightly, others lowered a little, to make them the same. On the piano keyboard, A-sharp and B-flat are the same. In true pitch, they are not. Allyn Ferguson, the film composer, said to me once, "If you ever hear a string section play a true untempered triad with perfect intonation, it'll knock your ears off."


Because of its ability to play harmonic sequences by itself, the piano has been the instrument of composers since Bach's time. Many composers — Mozart, Chopin, Liszt, Rachmaninoff— have been major virtuosi. And quite a number of jazz musicians play at least a little piano as a second instrument, some of them quite well, as in the cases of Dizzy Gillespie and Bob Brookmeyer.


Immediately a piano is used as a member of an ensemble, the other instruments have to be in tune with it. This, and the fact that it can play simultaneous notes, makes it a dominating instrument.


And it is an independent one. There is a small body of music for unaccompanied violin and cello, very little for other unaccompanied instruments, excepting the guitar and the piano. There is an inestimably vast body of music in all forms for solo piano. It is this independence of the piano that sets it apart in jazz, as it does in European music.


In an issue of the Atlantic Monthly in 1922, Carl Engel, head of the music division of the Library of Congress and one of the musical intellectuals who admired this emerging new music called jazz, wrote, "Franz Liszt had a way of playing the piano orchestrally. There are few people who can play jazz on the piano. Jazz, as much as the gypsy dances, depends on the many and contrasting voices of a band, united in a single and spontaneous rhythmic, harmonic, and contrapuntal will."


("Boy, is this the truth," Mike Melvoin commented, "particularly if your left hand is on food stamps.")


A great many gifted musicians would expend talent and thought on finding out how to play jazz on the piano. Like Liszt, they started by playing orchestrally.

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the piano was a common fixture in homes throughout America. (In 1912, there were more than 270 piano manufacturers in the United Stales. By 1932, the Depression and the trend to passive entertainment from records and radio had reduced that number to under 20.) To serve the innumerable non-professional pianists, a great deal of sheet music was printed. This was the primary means of disseminating music. It was through the sale of sheet music that composers made their living. One of these was Scott Joplin, the major figure in the ragtime movement that preceded the development of jazz. Ragtime grew out of the sheet music industry, whereas jazz was a creature of the recording industry. Although there were pianists who could improvise in the ragtime form, its commercial dissemination came through print.


Its period of popularity was not that long — from about 1899 until World War I, when early jazz and "stride piano" began to displace it. In ragtime a syncopated melody was played against a strong, straightforward bass. To modern ears, much of this music sounds rigid compared with the fluidity of later styles of jazz piano. It does not have the rhythmic looseness and swing that are among the defining characteristics of jazz.


The position of Jelly Roll Morton, sometime procurer and gambler — let us not forget what his nickname meant — as a pianist is subject to debate, but not his role as the first major jazz composer. Morton, though he was New Orleans-born, made his musical mark in Chicago with a group called his Red Hot Peppers, which played in a style modern scholars think of as New Orleans polyphony.


In his Black Bottom Stomp , recorded in 1926, you encounter an effort to integrate the piano into an instrumental combo. It is not entirely successful. When it comes time for Morton's piano solo, the rest of the band simply stops playing, and he goes it alone. With his solo completed, the band resumes playing.


By the 1920s, a new style was developing in the cities of the northeast, particularly New York. It would come to be known as "stride" or "Harlem stride" piano. The finest of its performers, the "ticklers" and "professors", developed astonishing technical facility, even though many were largely self-taught. "Self-taught" distinctly does not mean uneducated, and their comments indicate they were familiar with the European musical tradition. In their youth they played the usual repertoire of popular songs, ragtime, waltzes, the schottische, and other forms. James P. Johnson, widely considered the best of these pianists, was born in 1894 in New Brunswick, New Jersey, and reared in Jersey City and New York.


Johnson departed from ragtime in developing a powerful swing, and in relying on his own powers of improvisation. In the stride style, the rhythm is established in the left hand. A characteristic of the style is the way the bass note of the chord is played with the left hand which then jumps up an octave or more to establish the rest of the harmony. Meanwhile, the right hand improvises melodies. One of the criteria by which a great stride "tickler" was judged was the speed and accuracy of the left hand motion. The style remains orchestral and full, like that of ragtime. But the right hand departs from ragtime in straying farther away from the beat of the left hand: its flexibility increases the quality of swing.


Although he is generally associated with the stride school, Willie the Lion Smith is a figure unto himself. Some purists would argue that what he played was not jazz. A masterful pianist with roots in the nineteenth century Romantic classical tradition, he was able to fuse ragtime, impressionism, and a skill at counterpoint into something his own and hard to classify. He was best known for performing his own compositions, which owed much — as their titles often indicate — to the salon pieces popular in the late nineteenth century. Yet his music was unmistakably American. Artie Shaw, when he was only nineteen, used to sit in with him, and if you listen to the Lion's 1939 records on Commodore, I think you can hear the influence.


Artie told an interviewer, "[I was] wandering around New York, looking for a jam session, so [I could] play somewhere .... I turned the corner at 134 th Street, off Lennox, and there was a little cellar doorway . . . They had some [music] coming out of there and I thought, 'Oh, greatest piano I've heard in my life. It was Willie the Lion Smith. After a while, the door opened . . . and this guy came out. It was Willie. He engineered a deal with one of the owners, and they would pay me, I think, five bucks a week to show up every night and play." The club was actually called the Categonia, but more often referred to as Pod and Jerry's, after its owners. "His style of playing," Artie wrote, "was something altogether new to me. It was full of old-time idioms, authentic old-fashioned ragtime, but scattered throughout the ragtime were occasional incongruously modern, modulatory passages — these last all his own.


"I played there with Willie for about four or five months. We became good friends ....


"All this was an enormously stimulating experience for me. In many ways the Lion was, as I now know, one of the few 'originals' I have ever encountered in jazz music. From a purely harmonic standpoint, he was far ahead of most of his contemporaries; for jazz, in those days, however rhythmically complicated it may have been, was fairly primitive harmonically."


The Lion said he came from black and Jewish parentage, and even that at one point he had served as a cantor. The nickname purportedly derived from bravery in action during World War I, but this explanation has always bothered me. A black soldier serving among white soldiers at that time? I think not. He was a major figure of the stride school in New York from the time of his discharge from the army in 1919, but he recorded little until the middle and late 1930s, when he gained the recognition that was his due. With his derby hat and a cigar forever clenched in his teeth, he affected a bellicose mien, but the ill-repressed smile gave him away, and he was a humorous man. His character is in his music: challenging to his competitors but sunny and poetic and gentle and welcoming.


It was said that he was never at his best in the recording studio but during the session he did for Commodore in 1939, he was very much at his best, playing those marvelous little compositions of his such as Morning Air, Echoes of Spring, Passionette, and Rippling Waters, along with a few standards. (That session was reissued in the massive twenty-four-LP Volume One collection of the Commodore catalogue by Mosaic Records; I do not know whether this material is available on CD.) The Lion's is intricate music. It has been written that no one imitated him because no one could. These pieces are too complex for imitation, involving rhythmic displacements that are strikingly difficult. But he did have influence, as in the case of Artie Shaw.


Duke Ellington admired the Lion. And the kind of harmony he used was creeping into jazz generally, as jazz musicians listened to Debussy, Ravel, and Stravinsky, among other European composers. The recording of What Is There to Say? , one of the Lion's ventures into the popular songs of the era, refutes the idea that he had little influence on other pianists. The most influential pianist in jazz in the last third of the twentieth century was Bill Evans. Bill recorded this same song almost exactly twenty years after the Lion did it for Commodore. It is difficult to believe, on listening to Bill's record, that he had not known and loved the Lion's version. The Lion's music is adorable. There is no other word for it. You want to hug it, it is so exquisitely charming. And whether we call it stride or not simply doesn't matter.


But the chief source of what jazz piano became was Earl Hines. And one of the early records that reveals his place in it is Louis Armstrong's West End Blues, recorded in Chicago June 26, 1928.


When you consider that Morton brought his art to fulfillment in Chicago and Armstrong really defined himself there, you begin to understand Bud Freeman's claim that jazz, at least jazz as we know it, developed in Chicago. Armstrong's opening cadenza on West End Blues seems to have been to a whole generation of young musicians an assembly call to a new kind of music. Armstrong was departing from his New Orleans roots, establishing himself as the first great virtuoso jazz soloist. From then on jazz musicians would be expected to be improvising soloists. Armstrong further liberated the music's rhythmic character. The stiffness typical of both ragtime and the New Orleans polyphony found in Morton's work is gone.


There is no bass player on that famous recording. The bass line is the responsibility of the pianist, who has the job of laying out the harmony — in this case just the blues changes. The pianist is Hines, destined to have an influence on jazz pianists that is not sufficiently appreciated to this day.


But, in consequence of its very nature, the piano plays an anomalous role on this recording. Armstrong sings a wordless chorus in a voice that is youthful and rather sweet. Then comes the Hines piano solo.


And no one knows what to do about it. There are no sustained chords from the trumpet, trombone, and clarinet. Everybody just lays out, as they do for the Jelly Roll Morton solo aforementioned, allowing Hines to do his turn. The left hands walks the harmony in a style that derives from stride, but isn't quite stride either. And the right hand is not playing in that chorded "orchestral" style of stride. It is playing a melodic line of single notes.


Eleven years later Hines made a solo recording of Rosetta for RCA Victor. It shows, among other things, that he was a superb technician — for which he also was not always given credit. The fluidity of his playing has increased. The left hand is essentially playing in a light stride style, but the right is improvising free and fluent lines. Because of his use of single lines in the right hand, the Hines way of playing became known — inaccurately, actually — as trumpet-style piano playing, as if he were imitating a horn.


The stride pianists were particularly competitive, though their contests seem to have had a joyous quality. It is notable, then, that they were all impressed by a young man named Thomas "Fats" Waller, destined to become one of the most popular of all American entertainers. James P. Johnson was one of his mentors.

Waller went beyond Johnson. He polished this approach to playing to its greatest luster, and his mastery of stride is breathtakingly evident in pieces like Smashing Thirds, or Handful of Keys, recorded for Victor on January 3, 1929, six months after the Armstrong-Hines West End Blues. You note immediately the powerful, driving left hand. But Waller too was beginning to take a more linear, rather than orchestral, approach to the right hand. Five years later, on September 29, 1934, he recorded Serenade for a Wealthy Widow with his own group, known as Fats Waller and His Rhythm. Pops Foster is on bass, Al Casey on guitar. And Waller's approach to the piano is radically different from that heard in his solo performances. Somewhere along the way, he has learned how to work in and with a rhythm section.


He doesn't play stomping left-hand parts. On the contrary, he lets Foster and the drummer propel the rhythm forward, in conjunction with Casey. And much of the time Casey is handling the rest of the voices of the harmony. Waller's left hand takes on a function of countermelody. The harmony has become more chromatic and impressionistic and may owe something to the Lion. Though the group is a septet, the music is tightly orchestrated. Waller's piano solo is distinctly in the new direction. This is no longer stride piano: it is jazz piano integrated into an ensemble.


It should be kept in mind that in a good deal of earlier jazz, bass lines were produced by tuba, and in some cases by baritone or bass saxophone. Sometimes, as in some early Ellington recordings, arco string bass was used, although this produces a leaden and un-swinging effect. Gradually pizzicato bass was being explored for its lighter and more swinging effect.


In the first choruses of Serenade to a Wealthy Widow, the pulse is on the first and third beats of the bar, played by Foster on bass. This is two-beat playing. After Waller's piano solo, this changes. Foster starts playing all four beats of the bar, and there as a strong emphasis on the second and fourth. This kind of rhythm-section sound was characteristic of the big instrumental numbers of the swing era. Waller and his rhythm section seem to presage the sound of the soon-to-be Count Basie band.


There was a direct connection between Waller and Basie. Basie had studied piano with his mother in Red Bank, New Jersey, where he was born. Then he went to New York where he met James P. Johnson, another New Jerseyite, and, perhaps more significantly, Waller. He studied informally with Waller. It was Waller who introduced him to the organ, and showed him how the pedals worked. After that Basie went on the road with a show and ended up in Kansas City, where he joined the Benny Moten band. There is an RCA album of the Moten band, including such tunes as Moten Swing, recorded in 1932, on which one can hear that Basie was a formidable stride pianist, much under the influence of Waller. Moten died in 1935, and Basie formed a group of his own, which began recording for Decca.


By the time the band made One O 'Clock Jump for that company in 1937, Basie had simplified his playing for its judicious function in the context of a band. His piano work is laconic, very spare, and imbued with a kind of humor that reflected the impish smile he used to wear. The style is whimsical and charming, and his placements of notes and light chords in the orchestral context is masterful. Basie understood space. He knew when to let the rhythm section breathe. (According to Jo Jones, the idea of that structure of the rhythm section came from Walter Page, who had developed it in his own band.) What Basie played was often trite, but it was deliberately so, like well-remembered catch phrases, repeated for their old associations and humor. If we hadn't heard Basie's little musical jokes, among them his plink, plink, plink, we'd have felt cheated.


Later in his life, when he made records with small groups, Basie repeatedly demonstrated that he remained an adept and inventive pianist. And farther down the line, he made a series of two-piano albums with Oscar Peterson and a rhythm section. Oscar plays less than usual and Basie plays more than was his wont. Oscar said that although Basie's health was failing by the end of that series, "he gave no quarter." And John Heard, who played bass on one of the albums, said Basie remained a fast and accurate stride player.


Basie's work would influence pianists as diverse as Peterson and John Lewis and though his reputation as a bandleader overshadowed that as a pianist, he must be considered one of the masters.


In the late 1930s, there was a division among jazz fans over who was the "better" pianist, Teddy Wilson or Art Tatum. His detractors found Tatum a cold pianist, spinning lines of icy sparks. But every pianist I know is a Tatum fan. To their minds, he was and remains the towering giant of jazz piano.


Tatum, a native of Toledo, Ohio, had some formal training as a teenager, but otherwise was self-taught, learning from piano rolls and records. He acknowledged Fats Waller as his major influence, and Lee Sims as a secondary source. Sims was a pianist who used to be heard on radio from Chicago.


Sims is known today chiefly from his compositions, which reflect the kind of salon-music influence heard in the work of Willie the Lion Smith. His compositions are notable for intricate and interesting harmony and a demand for prodigious technique, both of which are embodied in Tatum's work.


Tatum seemed to have had limited interest in the blues, though he could certainly play blues when he wanted to. Contrary to the fundamentalist dogma of jazz, not every jazz musician has an affinity for blues. Sarah Vaughan told me how deeply she had resented it when, in her youth, John Hammond had tried to cast her as a blues singer, and Ben Webster once said to me in Jim and Andy's, "If I never have to play another blues, that's all right with me." Tatum drew largely on the repertoire of American popular songs, for whose melodies he showed great respect. He was able to weave them with embellishments of astonishing dexterity.


Tatum eventually formed a trio with Tiny Grimes on guitar and Slam Stewart on bass, but he seemed to feel restricted in that setting. He liked to work alone, and he was at his best as a soloist. There were a few exceptions, though. One of these is a 1955 trio session for Verve with Buddy Rich, the drummers' equivalent of Art Tatum. The album is diminished by the presence of Lionel Hampton on vibes. When he and Tatum play together — sometimes doubling the melody, alas - - there's just too much plinkety-plink going on. But when Tatum solos (or duets, really) with Rich, the music is incomparable. It swings inexorably as he and Rich goad each other on, and the level of invention is awesome. Anyone who thinks Tatum couldn't swing should listen to that album.


Comparisons between Tatum and Wilson were pointless, in any event: they were very different pianists, in every way. Although he was a prodigious solo pianist, Wilson was the ensemble player par excellence.


Teddy Wilson was a native of Texas, the son of teachers. He grew up in Tuskegee, Alabama, where he studied piano and violin for four years and played oboe and clarinet in a school band. For a year he majored in music at Talladega College. Wilson's academic grounding infused his work, which was all his life characterized by grace and elegance. And whereas he had a great command of the left-hand elements of stride, he — like Waller — followed the example of single-note melodic lines set by Hines.


In a 1938 Commodore solo recording of Tiger Rag, done at a fierce tempo, you can take the measure of the command that Wilson had. The track is not truly typical of him, since it allows us to catch him in the act of working. On other solo tracks from that session, he played at the more casual tempos that allowed expression of the urbane civility that marked his music, and for that matter the man. Teddy Wilson was a great gentleman.


Jazz histories have inclined to suggest an autodidactic development of the music, but from early times, its major figures have revealed a knowledge of the European tradition. This is particularly so of Teddy Wilson, who became a major model for other pianists. (By 1950, he was teaching at the Juilliard School in New York.) If Wilson's work reveals a familiarity with Hines, his sense of counterpoint manifests a knowledge of Bach.


In 1935, after a period with Benny Carter's band, he became a part of the Benny Goodman Trio, with Goodman on clarinet and Gene Krupa on drums. Their recording of Where or When shows how well he functioned in an ensemble. There is no bass player, but Wilson's playing is nonetheless light and airy where it needs to be, full when that is required, and suggests not so much the ragtime and stride history of jazz as the body of European composition for clarinet and piano and sometimes string ensembles. Goodman was deeply interested in the European musical literature, as was Gene Krupa. This classicism is evident in this lyrical and lovely track. And of course in all the other Goodman groups, which did utilize bass and drums, Wilson is the consummate team player.


In the long run of jazz history, Wilson was more influential than Tatum. He was imitated because he was imitable. But, as Lou Levy said to me, "Who the hell can play like Art Tatum?"


During the period when Wilson was making those sides for Commodore, a sudden fad for boogie-woogie swept the country, impelled largely by John Hammond's enthusiasm for the form.


If stride piano was strongly associated with nightclubs in New York City, particularly Harlem, boogie-woogie was at home in Chicago honky-tonks and rent parties.

It is probably impossible to trace the roots of boogie-woogie, which is in essence a blues for the piano with the beats divided into two in the bass line. Examples of its bass motions can be found in printed music from the first decade of the twentieth century.


One of the ways to make music move forward is to double the notes in the underlying rhythm pattern. This occurs in Brazilian samba. A percussionist, working on one of the many folk instruments derived from Africa, plays not a simple one-two-three-four but a rapid ONE-two-three-four-FIVE-six-seven-eight in the same bar. He plays not four quarter notes but eight eighth notes in the bar. Think of it as SHUCK-a-ducka-SHUCK-a-ducka. This is related to what in North American music is called shuffle rhythm. It is also related to boogie-woogie.


Boogie-woogie too uses a rhythmic pattern of eight eighth notes to the bar, produced not by a percussionist but by the left hand of the pianist. There are various ways to do this, one of the most common being to play a note and then the note an octave above it, "walking" the pattern up and down the keyboard.


The etymology of the term boogie-woogie is hard to trace. One theory is that it derives from a reference to the "boogie man" because jazz and the blues were associated with evil. That seems fanciful. The term sounds like an onomatopoeia. Simply say the word twice, boogie-woogie-boogie-woogie, and you have the character of the left-hand pattern of most of this music.


An exception occurs in Yancey Stomp, recorded late in 1939 by one of the seminal figures of the movement, Jimmy Yancey. He breaks the mould. His left hand pattern consists of two eighth notes and a quarter, making the rhythm into boogie-woo, boogie-woo, and it is more interesting for the irregularity. Yancey, a native Chicagoan, was a singer and tap-dancer who toured in vaudeville shows. He never made a full-time living as a pianist, working instead as a baseball stadium groundskeeper. He was one of the important figures in establishing the boogie-woogie style, playing at rent parties and in clubs and influencing such exponents of boogie as Meade Lux Lewis, one of the finest players in the idiom.


Lewis, another Chicagoan, was also influenced by Waller. He first recorded Honky Tonk Train Blues in 1927, then slipped into comparative obscurity only to be brought back to public attention by Hammond. Lewis recorded a new version of the piece in 1937, just ten years after the first, and he was able to make a living at his music. He was one of a triumvirate of pianists — the other two were Albert Ammons and Pete Johnson — who launched the boogie-woogie fad of the late 1930s.


For a while, boogie had an immense vogue, with such bands as those of Count Basie, Tommy Dorsey, Will Bradley, and Woody Herman recording orchestrated versions of it. It was always a limited form, monotonous in continued exposure. Almost as suddenly as it had arrived in the 1930s, the fad waned in the 1940s.


Mike Melvoin added, "I think, however, that it's not quite straight eight variant went on to spawn Kansas City stomp bands like Louis Jordan (There Ain 't Nobody Here But Us Chickens) and later the New Orleans R&B of the Meters (Cissy Strut) and Fats Domino."


One of the undersung heroes of jazz piano is Mel Powell. Born Melvin Epstein in New York City, Powell was a child prodigy with extensive classical training and a taste for jazz. At the age of fourteen he sat in with a group one night in a New York club. Art Tatum, who was in the audience, was deeply impressed, and for the next few years Powell pursued a career in jazz. By the time he was sixteen he was working with Bobby Hackett, George Brunis and Zutty Singleton. Before he was out of his teens he was writing arrangements for the band of Earl Hines, one of his influences. Later, for Benny Goodman, he wrote and was featured in a composition called The Earl, a tribute to Hines. It was during his sojourn with Goodman that Powell became famous.


The Mosaic reissues of the Commodore catalogue contain a great deal of material by Powell, both as soloist and leading a group of his own in which Goodman, appearing only as a sideman, does some of his most brilliant jazz playing. In Jubilee, a solo recorded in 1943, Powell is heard as a prodigious two-handed technician. He is at ease in the stride style, although the dexterous motion of his left hand shows that he has made his own adaptation of it.


By that time it was beginning to be fashionable to deplore what were called "one-handed pianists", those who chose to play "trumpet lines" after the manner of Earl Hines. Those who made the charge clearly were not cognizant of the nature of the piano and that so-called one-handed piano was not a problem but the solution to a problem. Many of those who played that way were quite capable of "two-handed" piano, as Powell's Jubilee amply demonstrates. In an ensemble, he simply played a different way, as Wilson did.


There is in the Mosaic-Commodore material a wonderful 1942 septet performance of The World Is Waiting for the Sunrise. During his solo, Powell leaves the task of propelling the rhythm to the bassist and drummer, and lets the bass player define the bottom of the harmony. His left hand is confined to playing whole-note counterlines to the inventions of his right. Then when Benny Goodman starts to solo, Powell slips into the background to comp chords beautifully for Goodman. Comping — and the term evokes not only the word "accompanying" but also "complementing"— had become one of most important functions of the jazz pianist.


In the first chorus of his blowing, Powell plays with the rhythm section alone. In the second the horns join in to play sustained chords behind him, which is exactly what does not happen on the Earl Hines solo on Armstrong's West End Blues.


Powell is heard on any number of Goodman recordings, as both arranger and pianist. The charts and originals he contributed to the Goodman book were some of the finest in what many people think was the most brilliant period of the Goodman band, the World War II years at Columbia Records, and since the other writers for the band included Fletcher Henderson, Buck Clayton, and Eddie Sauter, that is saying a lot. The charts on Dark Town Strutter's Ball and Why Don't You Do Right are Powell's, and his compositions for the band — some of which used some of the quirky little turns that were characteristic of his piano work — include, besides The Earl, Mission to Moscow and Clarinade.


Powell played in and recorded with the wartime Air Force band of Glenn Miller, then recorded with Goodman at war's end and increasingly pursued a career of his own. He made some excellent ten-inch LPs for Vanguard, one of which contained an exquisite Sonatina that had nothing to do with jazz or with his jazz piano style. This composition was the public presage of his future.


In 1952 he went to Yale to study with Paul Hindemith and begin a career as a "classical" composer. As Andre Previn put it in a liner note, "His music was becoming more and more complicated and private, and some of his works taxed any musical mind severely, unless it had been schooled by the likes of Elliott Carter." Previn said that Powell's later music "is about as easily assimilated as the Dead Sea Scrolls but. . . quite marvelous."


I remember that there was a funny mood among jazz fans and even some critics as he took up his new career, as if Powell had demeaned jazz and deserted them, spurning a music that had been good to him for the sake of cultural social climbing. This was rooted in part in ignorance of the extent to which jazz musicians knew and had been drawing on European concert music from the earliest days.


A few years ago, I was talking to Powell about that phase of his life. He was younger than Charlie Parker or Dizzy Gillespie, and only a year older than that other Powell, Bud. He said he considered himself pre-bop. I said I thought he was sort of proto-bop.


"Proto-bop," he said. "I like that."


Powell never turned away from jazz and never lost his love for it. In private he continued to play it now and then, though with his work as a composer and his teaching responsibilities as a professor at Yale and later head of the distinguished music department at CalArts, he had little time for performing. Finally, after much pestering by his wife and others, he went on the 1986 jazz cruise of the S.S. Norway. A Chiaroscuro album derived from the next year's cruise, made with a personnel that included Benny Carter, Milton Hinton, Louis Bellson, and Howard Alden, is titled The Return of Mel Powell. His playing has grown simpler, possibly because he has no reason or opportunity to keep his jazz chops up. But it's excellent nonetheless.


A few years ago, Powell was afflicted by an irreversible neurological disorder that forced him to get around on crutches. Despite this, he retained a notable optimism and an original sense of humor. In April 1990 he won the Pulitzer Prize for a double piano concert performed by the Los Angeles Philharmonic. He is gone now.


The lessons of Earl Hines turn up again in the work of Nat Cole. Cole's enormous success as a singer has overshadowed his importance as a pianist. Cole was one of the greatest pianists in jazz history. Since he is an evolution of Hines and immensely influential in turn on still other pianists, the legacy of Hines continued to grow and spread.


Cole understood the restraint with which a pianist must work in an ensemble setting. And this was especially so in the format of piano, bass, and guitar that he established in Los Angeles in 1937.


It was an odd setup for a group whose leader was a pianist, and an accomplished one. For, after all, bass and guitar are capable of carrying all of the harmony. And the integration of piano with such a group is a matter of some delicacy, if a thick and cluttered sound and a good deal of awkward doubling are to be avoided. Cole did it magnificently. (Art Tatum formed his trio on Cole's model.)


Cole continued to work in this format for the next seven years, sometimes recording with other performers, such as Lionel Hampton and Lester Young, and touring with Jazz at the Philharmonic. In 1943, he had a hit record with a vocal on a comical little song called Straighten Up and Fly Right. This launched his career as a singer, and he was soon one of the major commercial attractions in popular music.

He continued to record as an instrumentalist for Capitol Records. Mosaic brought out all his piano recordings on LP and later on multiple-CD sets. But of spectacular interest is a three-CD set released in 2005 by EMI. It consists of 71 studio performances made between 1946 and 1950 not for release on records but for radio transcriptions. Often the tunes were done in one take, and none of them is fussed over to achieve some sort of elusive perfection, as they were on dates for commercial record release. And since Cole doesn't have to sell records, he sometimes plays obscure material, and he takes chances. Even the most ardent Cole piano fans, of which I consider myself one, cannot know just how good he actually was until you hear this set.


Cole's work was full of felicities. He had an exquisite tone. There was that little click at the start of each note that is the product of a perfect touch, one that aims the note so that the felt hammer strikes the string just so. He had a way of playing triplets with a bouncy rolling ebullience. And he was inventive.


Chief among his wonders was his time. Nat Cole had the most perfect time — both as pianist and as singer — of anyone I ever heard. He always knew more deeply than knowing where the center of the beat was, and this gave him a magnificent security about it. He could play with it. Listen to him sing Just You Just Me in that After Midnight album he did with Sweets Edison, Juan Tizol, and Stuff Smith. He isn't slavishly banging on the time. He is all over it, leaning in, leaning back, and oh! does that vocal swing. And it is all so effortless.


Cole generated swing in the musicians around him, and like everything he did, it seemed to come to him as naturally as breathing.


One of the pianists he affected was Bill Evans, once again a formidable technician in solo performance but a skillfully restrained one in an ensemble. Given the scope of Evans' influence, we see again the importance of the lineage of Earl Hines.

One of Cole's first and most gifted off-shoots was Oscar Peterson. Peterson bloomed late, compared with some of the other major figures in jazz. While Mel Powell was a fully finished artist by nineteen, Peterson at the same age — this is evident from radio air checks made in Montreal the summer he turned nineteen — was unformed, flashy but callow, his influences as yet unassimilated. But they were conspicuously those of Teddy Wilson and Nat Cole, whose Easy Listening Blues was in Peterson's repertoire. There was nothing of Art Tatum.


In high school, Peterson had proved adept at boogie-woogie, then at the height of its craze. Peterson began recording in 1945, when he was twenty, for RCA Victor in Montreal. Over the next four years he turned out a large body of commercial recordings made with a trio that included bass and drums. A good many of them were boogie-woogie, recorded at the behest of the record label. Indeed, in his radio broadcasts he was sometimes referred to as "the brown bomber of boogie-woogie" which, in its allusion to Joe Louis, embraced the stereotype. The musical content of Peterson's boogie records was minimal but the tempos were unbelievable. This was probably the fastest boogie-woogie ever recorded and indeed might be considered the last hurrah of the idiom, although Peterson will occasionally employ elements of it for color even in the later years (and before his stroke).


Peterson recorded for RCA for four years, ending the contract in 1949, shortly after the Carnegie Hall Jazz at the Philharmonic concert that exposed him to the world. As his playing grew in power and maturity, his reverence for tradition seemed only to increase and in time he assimilated apparently every element and style in the heritage of jazz piano, including stride, which he played powerfully. In Peterson's work, virtually the whole history of jazz piano after ragtime is summarized, and the evolution was synthesized. He made his Montreal records some thirty years after the Scott Joplin piano roll of Maple Leaf Rag.


The modern era begins: the influences of Mary Lou Williams, Thelonious Monk, Bud Powell, Al Haig, Lennie Tristano, and, in California, Jimmy Rowles. Bud Powell too was careful in the use of the left hand, becoming one of those accused of being one-handed.


And always in the background, there was Hines. When Bud Powell was first heard, Hines still was very active. Indeed, far from remaining content with past glories, he led one of the pioneering bands of bebop. He went on playing — and smiling — until he died in 1983, a daring and adventurous player to the end.


Little wonder they called him the Father. Beginning with Hines, the piano, that loner among instruments, was gradually assimilated into the ensemble.”

The Chico Hamilton Quintet: Jazz Meets Broadway Shows

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

In his insert notes to TheComplete Pacific Jazz Recordings of the Chico Hamilton Quintet [MD6-175], author Bob Gordon writes:

“The popularity of the Shelly Manne and Andre PrevinMy Fair Lady album in 1956 made the issuing of Jazz versions of [Broadway] musical scores de rigueur for most Jazz labels by the late 1950s. It was a mixed blessing. … Chico Hamilton Plays South Pacific in Hi-Fi is far from the worst example to be found in this genre ….”

The primary means by which I heard Broadway musicals was in the form of these Jazz interpretations.

The fact that I lived 3,000 miles away from New York City and couldn’t abide Ethel Merman’s singing may have had something to do with why I didn’t hear or see many of these shows in their original form, not to mention the fact that I wasn’t going to spend any of my limited budget for buying LPs on such overblown spectacles.

I did acquire of copy of the Manne/Previn Jazz reading of My Fair Lady, as well as The Mastersounds Jazz interpretations of The King and I and Kismet, and drummer Chico Hamilton’s quintet rendition of South Pacific, and a number of others.


Despite the oddity of having a cello amongst its instrumentation, I did spend quite a bit of time listening to Chico Hamilton’s original quintet, both on record and in performance.

It’s easy to overlook the unusual sound of the cello when, at one time or another, Buddy Collette, Paul Horn and Eric Dolphy are playing alto and tenor saxophone, clarinetand flute in the quintet, Jim Hall, John Pisano and Dennis Budimir are occupying the guitar chair, and Carson Smith, Hal Gaynor and Wyatt Ruther are anchoring the combo on bass.

During the quintet’s existence in this format, I rarely ever remember hearing Chico use drum sticks, relying instead on brushes and tympani mallets to create a rhythmic pulse. It seemed that by choosing not to use drum sticks, Chico was consciously enhancing what is known in Classical music as the chamber group sound.

And, of course, what linked Chico’s original quintet even more closely to the sound of the Classical chamber group was its singular use of the cello, an instrument which, even today, is rarely featured in Jazz combos.

Fred Katz, Chico’s first cellist, and I went to the same university: he as a teacher and me as a student.  It was one of those state universities that dotted the California landscape, brought into existence by the hordes of people that initially descended on the state during its post World War II “Golden Era.”

Ah, those were the days: $47 bucks per semester plus another $100 schimolies for books – no student loans here - professors who taught more than one class a year and who published monograms that other human beings could actually read and students who finished a course of study and graduated with a baccalaureate degree in four years or less!

At the state university in question, Fred taught a class in anthro-musicology, which I can only imagine was some type of forerunner to today’s ethnomusicology.  I have no idea what Fred’s course was about, but the students seemed to like it as they flocked to it in large numbers.

At this time, the university did not have a formal Jazz curriculum, but those of us interested in the music found a way to informally make things happen on campus in the form of a rehearsal big band and various combos.

Since I was still gigging around town while taking courses at the university, I only sat in occasionally with the big band at the request of certain arrangers because of my reading skills.

Although he didn’t arrange for the big band, Fred dropped by some of its rehearsals.

During a break one night, I approached him and we chatted amiably about a number of topics including his work on the film score [with Chico’s quintet] for the movie Sweet Smell of Successand his writing for Ken Nordine’s Word Jazzalbum.

When I mentioned his playing on Chico’s South Pacific LP Fred seemed genuinely pleased and commented that he thought that this was some of his best work with Chico’s group.

He arranged Cockeyed Optimist for the date and said of this assignment: “Maybe the reason Chico asked me to do this tune was because he knows I am one!”

Although I doubt that most students had much of an interest in anthro-musicology, after visiting with Fred a few times and finding him so engaging and charming, it’s easy to understand why his course was so popular.

We didn’t choose Fred’s arrangement for this video tribute to Chico and his group’s Jazz interpretation of South Pacific selecting instead guitarist John Pisano’s treatment of Some Enchanted Evening as the audio track.

Fred and John are joined by Paul Horn on alto saxophone, Hal Gaynor on bass and Chico on drums.

André Previn - The Jazz Years in California

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights


I recently came across a copy of the 1996 Ballads CD that André Previn made for Angel Records and from which the above photograph by Joanne O’Brien is taken.

The CD was nestled right next to a slew of solo piano and trio recordings that André had made for Les Koenig’s Contemporary Records label, primarily in the 1950s and 60s.

André plays beautiful, solo piano on the Ballads disc and while wondering how I came to know about the recording n the first place, I found a post-it note affixed to the CD insert booklet that referred me to an article in the late Gene Lees’ Jazzletter, a self-owned, monthly publication that Gene authored for almost thirty years until his passing in April/2010.

Friends since 1959, Gene shared this background about André in the introduction to his essay entitled The Courage of Your Tastes: Reflection on André Previn:

“In 1950, while he was in the army (along with Chet Baker) and stationed in San Francisco, André studied conducting with Pierre Monteux. He returned to Los Angeles and played with, among other groups, the Jazz at the Philharmonic All-Stars. His collabora­tion with drummer Shelly Manne on a jazz LP of music from My Fair Lady in 1956 set a fashion for such recordings based on Broadway musicals.

One of his albums, a lush recording of piano with orchestra and his arrangements, came to a crisis on the date: it was a few minutes short. André went off somewhere and wrote a string chart for some blues, went back into the studio, improvised a theme over it and got a huge hit on Like Young.” [Jazzletter, April 1998, Vol. 17 No. 4, p. 1]


Later in his piece on André, Gene offers this description of Previn’s playing including comments about it in relationship to the Jazz piano wizardry of Phineas Newborn, Jr. and Art Tatum:

“André really bothered the jazz establishment. He wrote movie scores! How degrading! And he dared to make jazz albums, including some with Shelly Manne that were among the best-selling in jazz history.

He was consistently trashed by the critics. The same thing happened to Phineas Newborn. There was an enormous suspicion in the jazz critical establishment of high skill. So vicious was this that, in Oscar Peterson's opinion, it drove Phineas Newborn mad. He said to Oscar, in tears, "Oscar, what am I doing wrong?' Nothing. He just had more technique as a pianist than the jazz critics, most of them, had as writers. And criticism is always an act of projected self-justification.

Thus those writers who lacked facility in their own work made much of "soul" and operated on the fatuous premise that high skill precluded it. You will not encounter this attitude in those who really know music and can really write. It is too often overlooked that Charlie Parker and Bill Evans had electrifying technique. But both men were heroin addicts, which fact enables that covert self-congratulation that is an essential ingredient of pity — as opposed to the nobility of true compassion — and in turn permits a patronizing praise.

André immensely successful, suffered from the judgment of jazz critics. The 1988 New Grove Dictionary of Jazz concludes a shortish entry on him with: "Although he is not an innovator, Previn is a technically fluent and musical jazz pianist." That takes care of that. Dismissed. The entry also describes Andre" as "influenced by Art Tatum." This egregious bit of stupidity almost always recurs in discussions of jazz pianists with well-developed technique, no one more than Oscar Peterson. When I was working on my biography of Oscar, I said to André "I don't hear much of Tatum in Oscar." André said, "I don't hear any."

Nor do I, nor did I ever, in André work. He uses none of Tatum's runs, none of his licks, none of his methods. This sort of comment by jazz critics almost invariably is a manifestation of deep ignorance of classical piano training and literature, which demand utter fluency in scales and arpeggios.

If you really want to hear the scope of André piano technique, listen to his 1992 RCA recording with violinist Julie Rosenfeld and cellist Gary Hoffman of the diabolically difficult Ravel Trio and the Debussy Trio No. 1 in G. If you do, observe the difference in sonority he educes from the piano for these often-linked but disparate composers.” [Ibid, p.3, paragraphing modified]


And Gene had this to say about André’s playing on some of the Jazz recordings that he made later in his career including his work on Ballads:

“… what struck me most was the growth in André’s playing. …. And André’s facility was no longer his enemy. He was using his remarkable skills as a pianist to dig in. His playing was far more reflective and certainly more emotional than in the years of his early prominence. It was deeper, darker than I had ever heard it; and yet at the same time the quicksilver tone had become more scintillant than ever. And oh! has he got chops. All kinds of chops: phenomenal speed, an exquisite illusion of legato in slow chordal passages, balance, and more. He has a subtle control of dynamics that at least equals that of Bill Evans. Bill's dynamics, however, were — deliberately; it was an element of his style — within a comparatively small range. Bill rarely took a whacking good thump at the piano, and André does. In this, then, his dynamic scope is broader than Bill's.

I realize with something of a start that a man who is (if Mel Powell was right) our greatest symphony conductor was also one of our greatest jazz pianists. What? Yeah. …

André told me at that time that he was thinking of making a solo piano album, all ballads. I told him I hoped that he would, and forgot about it. Then Alan Bergman, the great (with his wife, Marilyn) lyricist, told me on the phone that I just had to hear an album by André’ simply called Ballads. …

Reflective and soft, harmonically urbane, it became instantly one of my favorite albums, one that I will listen to often ova the years. It comprises all standards, except for two tunes by André, In Our Little Boat and Dance of Life. The latter is one he wrote for a show he did with Johnny Mercer in LondonThe Good Companions. These two tunes, along with one that is in the What Headphones? album, titled Outside the Cafe, would convince a statue of General Grant of Andres brilliance as a composer. …

Listening closely to the Ballads album, one learns something about his work as a symphony conductor. André has an uncanny control of dynamics in his solo piano. He can go loud-soft more suddenly and subtly than anyone I know. And his rubato is always true rubato: the time that is "robbed" (which is what the word means) here is replaced there. And no matter how slow the tempo, if you find the center of it and start tapping your foot you will find that his time is immovably there.

And this is true of his conduct­ing. He uses, indeed, both of these abilities. And now, having listened so closely to the Ballads album, and then revisiting some of my favorites among his symphonic albums, I am beginning to see what Mel Powell meant; I think I am reaching the point where I might be able to spot a Previn recording of a symphony just by its sound, for he uses dynamics and rubato like no conductor I have ever heard. What André is, then, is a shaper of time, a sculptor of sound. …

A genius, a word I never use lightly, is itinerant among us.”  [Ibid., excerpts from pp. 4-6]

To conclude this piece on the genius that is André George Previn, KBE, here are the introductory portions of Les Koenig’s liner notes to his Contemporary LPs My Fair Lady, Pal Joey and Gigi followed by a video tribute to André which uses as its soundtrack, Previn’s performance of Zip from Pal Joey as accompanied by Red Mitchell on bass and Shelly Manne on drums.


MY FAIR LADY

“GEORGE BERNARD SHAW, in Pygmalion, from which My Fair Lady is adapted, proved that the difference be­tween a Cockney girl and a fine lady was mainly one of pro­nunciation. In his fable, Henry Higgins teaches the girl to speak English, thereby working a startling transformation in her. Actually the language she speaks remains the same. The difference is almost entirely a matter of accent.

And coincidentally it is also largely a matter of accent by which the wonderfully original and entertaining score written by Alan Jay Lerner and Frederick Loewe for My Fair Lady has been transformed by Shelly Manne & His Friends to a wonder­fully original and entertaining modern jazz album. In the main, the melodies and the harmonies remain unchanged. But not the accent, the rhythm, the phrasing, the way the notes are attacked. It is still My Fair Lady, of course. But it is, at the same time, modern jazz at its best.

The sources of jazz have always been many and varied. The late Jelly Roll Morton claimed Tiger Rag was derived from an old French quadrille, so it should not be too surprising to find modern musicians finding jazz in Ascot Gavotte fifty years later. And in any case jazzmen have always turned to Broad­way. The sophisticated melodic and harmonic material in the works of the Gershwins, Cole Porter or Jerome Kern have always stimulated creative jazz musicians to improvise original, entertaining, and often moving performances. It usually takes a very long time, however, before jazzmen accept show tunes, and accord them the honor of a jazz treatment. "Jazz standards" are usually some time in the making. A case in point is Rodgers & Hart's My Funny Valentine which originally appeared in 1937 and had to wait over fifteen years before the modern jazz movement gave it new life in the '50s. And so it is a tribute to the My Fair Lady score that within a few months of the show's opening, such gifted  jazzmen  as Shelly  Manne, André Previn and Leroy Vinnegar were moved to play it.


Let André Previn explain the Friends' approach: ‘What Shelly, Leroy and I have attempted in this album is unusual insofar as we have taken almost the entire score of a musical, not just 'Gems from . . , have adapted it to the needs of the modern jazz musician and are playing it with just as much care and love as the Broadway cast. There has been no willful distortion of the tunes simply to be different, or to have a gimmick, or to provoke the saying 'Where's the melody?' We are all genuinely fond of every tune and have the greatest re­spect for the wonderful score in its original form, but we are paying our own sincere compliment to the show by playing the complete score in our own métier.’”

PAL JOEY

“THERE IS A STORY, apocryphal perhaps, about John O'Hara, author of the original Pal Joey stories, and author of the book of the Broadway musical, who, when asked to describe the show, is said to have replied, "Well it ain't Blos­som Time." Those familiar with the sentimentality of the Sigmund Romberg musical should get a pretty fair idea of what Pal Joey is not, and possibly, by indirection, what it is. Incidentally, when Blossom Time appeared on Broadway in 1924, Mr. Romberg was the subject of much discussion for adapting various Schubert themes for his score, particularly for waltzing about with a section of the Unfinished Symphony.

In any case, André Previn and His Pals, who are noted for their transformations of Broadway scores into modern jazz, haven't as yet got around to Blossom Time, but they have most certainly applied their alchemy to Pal Joey, and again, in de­scribing the results, one is tempted to repeat Mr. O'Hara.


Pal Joey made his original appearance (in The New Yorker) as the semi-literate writer of a series of letters to his Pal Ted, a successful swing musician and band leader of the late 1930s. Joey was a singer and M.C. in a Chicago South Side club, too much on the make for success and girls, "mice" he called them. Not a pleasant character, but understandable, as John O'Hara drew him. In 1940, O'Hara went to work on the musical ver­sion of Joey with the late, great lyricist Larry Hart, and com­poser Richard Rodgers, and the rest, as they say, is history.

The show opened in New York, Christmas night 1940. For many of us then, it represented the coming of age of the Broadway musical which for the first time seemed to be "look­ing at the facts of life," as composer Richard Rodgers put it. Now, 17 years later, the movie version with Frank Sinatra, Rita Hayworth and Kim Novak, introduces Joey to a new genera­tion, and it is good indeed to have BewitchedI Could Write A BookZip and all the rest around again. Not the least attractive thing about the revival of Joey is the impetus it gave André, Shelly and Red for the present jazz version.

THE PALS' PERFORMANCES were completely improvised at the two recording sessions. Before doing each tune, André played it straight, and then the floor was thrown open for discussion. Various possible jazz versions were explored, and once the tempo and general approach were agreed upon, the actual recording was usually accomplished in one take. This technique relies heavily on free association and the artists' unconscious. With musicians of the Pals' caliber, it makes for an unusually fresh and original approach.”

GIGI

“GIGI, BY FRENCH NOVELIST COLETTE, first appeared during the last war when the author was 70. She died in August, 1954, at the age of 81, after a small sip of champagne, having lived to see her slender story of a turn-of-the-century Paris adolescent, who had been trained to find a rich lover, but who falls in love and marries him instead, become the most successful work of her forty-four book career.


Gigi's phenom­enal public acceptance is remarkable when one considers the original is no more than an extended short story of some sixty-odd pages. It has been translated into many languages, was a French film starring Daniele Delorme in 1950, became a hit play in 1952, dramatized by Anita Loos and launching Audrey Hepburn, Colette's own discovery for the role of Gigi, as a great new star. Now, in 1958, it is a hit musical for MGM, starring Leslie Caron, Maurice Chevalier, and Louis Jourdan; and by way of the score for the film, it provides Andre Previn and His Pals: Shelly Manne and Red Mitchell, with their latest modern jazz version of a current musical entertainment.

The score for Gigi is by lyricist Alan Jay Lerner (he also wrote the screenplay) and composer Frederick Loewe, who put their special brand of magic to work on their first project since My Fair Lady. And like My Fair Lady, it gives André a chance to apply his own magic to turning eight new Lerner-Loewe songs to modern jazz. As a matter of fact, the new fashion of doing jazz versions of Broadway and Hollywood musicals owes its existence to that now famous first My Fair Lady album (Contemporary C3527) recorded by Shelly Manne and His Friends: André Previn and Leroy Vinnegar in the Fall of 1956, and still heading the best-seller lists. The Friends followed Lady with Li'I Abner (Contemporary C3533). Then André Previn and His Pals: Shelly Manne and Red Mitchell made their best-selling version of Pal Joey (Contemporary C3543).

It was not surprising that André chose to record a jazz Gigi because, as musical director of the film, he supervised all of Gigi's music, adapting much of the Lerner-Loewe material for the background score, doing a number of the arrangements, and conducting the MGM studio orchestra. In truth, this album was projected even before Lerner and Loewe had written the score. They had been delighted with the Friends' Lady, and had a copy of it in their Paris hotel room when André joined them in the Summer of 1957 to begin work on pre-scoring Gigi. Then and there they insisted André do a jazz version.”

© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights

"Zip[ing]" Along with Andre, Red and Shelly

Jazz interpretations of Broadway shows were commonplace at one time. There must be countless versions of Jazz musicians interpreting the music of Lerner and Lowe, Rodgers and Hammerstein and Frank Loesser, to name only a few of the composers and lyricists whose dominated the Broadway stages for many years. I was always particularly fond of pianist Andre Previn's Jazz albums featuring the music from My Fair Lady, Pal Joey, The Bells are Ringing, L'il Abner, et al. especially because he made most of this music in the company of bassist Red Mitchell and drummer Shelly Manne. 

The late Les Koenig who produced Andre's Broadway show recordings for his Contemporary label always maintained that the revenue that Andre generated made possible his investment in recordings by many, lesser known Jazz artists. On the following video tribute to him, Andre and his pals Red and Shelly perform Zip from Pal Joey.



André George Previn KBE – Pianist, Composer, Conductor – GENIUS


Boogie Woogie - The First Day to R.I.P. - 1939-1949

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“For all its supposed "primitiveness," boogie-woogie has never been mastered by a schooled, technically finished pianist. The music was largely unknown until the late thirties, when it suddenly became a national fad….

At the same time, the handful of genuine boogie-woogie pianists who abruptly achieved fame and fortune were forced by overexposure to mechanize a fundamentally instinctive music. The craze had vanished by the end of the Second World War, and so, to all intents and purposes, had boogie-woogie itself.”
- Whitney Balliett, Jazz author and critic

“Boogie-woogie. A percussive style of piano blues favored, for its volume and momentum, by bar-room, honky-tonk, and rent-party pianists. The term appears to have been applied originally to a dance performed to piano accompaniment, and its widespread use stems from the instructions for performing the dance on the recording Pine Top's Boogie Woogie (1928, Voc. 1245) by Pine Top Smith. The boogie style is characterized by the use of blues chord progressions combined with a forceful, repetitive left-hand bass figure; many bass patterns exist, but the most familiar are the "doubling" of the simple blues bass and the walking bass in broken octaves….

By the he 1950s boogie-woogie had reverted to the blues, becoming a standard element in the performances of every pianist; although its relevance to jazz declined, it proved to be one of the most enduring aspects of blues, and the foundation of much of the Chicago blues idiom.”
- Paul Oliver in Barry Kernfeld, ed., The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz

Boogie-woogie emerged as a blues piano style in Chicago. It first appeared on record, played by Pine Top Smith, in 1929 on Vocalion. In the hands of Pete Johnson, Meade Lux Lewis, and particularly, Albert Ammons, it enjoyed a huge burst in popularity in the late 1930s and 1940s. In boogie-woogie, Jazz and blues elements came into close proximity again.

As the fad faded, the music began to be more accepted in blues, where it proved easily adaptable to guitar and harmonica stylists. While boogie-woogie is rarely heard in Jazz today [the occasional shuffle beat that drummers use can approximate its feeling], nearly every blues band performs the style.


The following is drawn from Whitney Balliett’s essay “R.I.P.” which appears in his compilation Dinosaurs in the Morning [1962].

“A complex, incandescent solo-piano music whose thematic material was restricted almost wholly to the twelve-bar blues, it embraced, because of its variety and power, all the emotional shades of the blues. Its obvious features have been widely celebrated and widely misunderstood. Unlike the rest of jazz piano, which depends largely on the right hand, boogie-woogie was a two-part, two-handed contrapuntal music that collapsed if either hand was undeveloped. It was also a basically rhythmic and harmonic form that only nodded at melodic invention.

The left hand was chiefly characterized by the ostinato bass [“Ostinato” from Latin, 'obstinate' is a motif or phrase that persistently repeats in the same musical voice, usually at the same pitch. ... The repeating idea may be a rhythmic pattern, part of a tune, or a complete melody in itself.]

This bass was often composed of dotted eighth or dotted sixteenth notes, and it included "walking" basses, "rolling" basses, heavy staccato basses, and spare four-four basses often tinged with Spanish rhythms. (Contrary to general belief, only a few boogie-woogie basses had eight beats to the bar.)

A boogie-woogie pianist might use the same bass through an entire chorus or a succession of choruses, but more often he changed basses, and sometimes even registers, once in each chorus. The monotonous rumble popularly associated with boogie-woogie was an illusion; close attention revealed a constant flow of new colors.

The right hand was even freer. The pianist might use legato or staccato arpeggios, a single note struck lackadaisically throughout a whole chorus, tremolos of various speeds, chorded or single-note riffs, simple, fragmentary melodic lines, and clusters of chords that frequently absorbed single-note melodies or dissolved into them. Occasionally one rhythm popped up, simultaneously in the bass and treble, but generally the right hand went its own way, setting up a welter of cross-rhythms that sometimes shifted from measure to measure. Added to all this was an intuitive harmonic sense that ranged from single or multi-voiced melodies to dissonances. Boogie-woogie was a polyphonic, polyrhythmic, and at times even polytonal music.

It is often regarded primarily as a stomp music. Nonetheless, it was played at every speed. There were tempos that were so slow they were tempoless. Numbers played this way became a collection of sorrowful, introverted reflections on the blues that have rarely been surpassed for unadulterated sadness. The brighter the tempo, the more effulgent the music; at medium-slow or medium speeds, the lyrical content was perfectly balanced by its rhythmic aspects.

Many of the "train" pieces — Meade Lux Lewis'"Honky Tonk Train Blues" is the most famous — were played in these tempos, and they provided extended musical images that caught perfectly the concatenation of sounds, motion, and force of steam-hauled trains. They also caught the emotions of transition that trains so peculiarly symbolize.

Fast boogie-woogie was a rock-breaking wonder. A distillation of hurry and strength, it was one of the few forms of jazz with a climactic structure. In a fast number, melodic repetition and the compounding of various rhythms gradually took on a solidity that had no breathing spaces and that reached an impressive intensity in the closing choruses. Not many other types of music have offered such a sense of rampage. And yet, despite its turbine quality, fast boogie-woogie never lost the essential plaintiveness of the blues. Slow boogie-woogie was a carefully arranged array of still shots; fast boogie-woogie transposed those stills into a motion picture.

The history of boogie-woogie is blurred, romantic, and short. So far as is known, the form was invented around the turn of the century in the Midwest and scattered areas of the South by itinerant laborer-musicians. Its singular percussiveness was probably the result of attempts by its pioneers to overcome, through sheer volume, both inferior instruments and the noisy environment  —dances, lumber camps, rent parties, and the like — in which they played. Its repetitiveness and wayward harmonies, which were eventually handled with considerable intelligence, grew out of plain ineptitude.

(For all its supposed "primitiveness," boogie-woogie has never been mastered by a schooled, technically finished pianist.) The music was largely unknown until the late thirties, when it suddenly became a national fad.

Every swing band had at least one boogie-woogie arrangement, while one band — Will Bradley's — made a career out of it. Correspondence-course pianists played it at parties. Jose Iturbi [a concert pianist by training] made an unbelievable two-sided 78 r.p.m. boogie-woogie record. The term became widely and genially mispronounced. (Both words rhyme, more or less, with "bookie," rather than "bootie.") The results were ironic and disastrous. The unwieldy complexities and fire of the form, untouched by this imitative army, settled to the bottom, leaving a vapid, colorless liquid.

At the same time, the handful of genuine boogie-woogie pianists who abruptly achieved fame and fortune were forced by overexposure to mechanize a fundamentally instinctive music. The craze had vanished by the end of the Second World War, and so, to all intents and purposes, had boogie-woogie itself. Two of its leading exponents, Albert Ammons and Jimmy Yancey, died not long after, while two others, Meade Lux Lewis and Pete Johnson, dropped into obscurity. No reputable neophytes appeared.

The music began to be looked down on as ungainly and shallow. Although there must have been hundreds of proficient boogie-woogie pianists in the twenties and thirties, only Yancey, Ammons, Lewis, and Johnson left a sizable and first-rate body of work behind them. Jimmy Yancey, who died in 1951, at the age of fifty-seven, was, in addition to being a model for Ammons and Lewis, possibly the greatest of all blues pianists.

A small, lean, shy man who gave up music professionally in the twenties and took a job as a groundskeeper for the Chicago White Sox, Yancey had a style of classic simplicity. He invented a wide selection of discreet, almost tentative basses that were often set in four-to-the-bar or Spanish-tinged rhythms. His right hand was similarly understated. It rarely left the middle registers, and was limited to elementary chords, loose tremolos, and, principally, to lucid, reiterated melodic figures grouped around or below middle C. He had a sure sense of dynamics, and never went above brisk medium tempos, favoring slow speeds, which gave him the time to wring the maximum amount of emotion from his notes. Indeed, the best of his slow blues — "Death Letter Blues,""Five O'Clock Blues," and "35th and Dearborn"—are  indelible.

Ammons, Lewis, and Johnson were altogether different from Yancey. In their heyday, in the early forties, all three swelled to tremendous girths, and all three played with a rococo fury that made Yancey seem schoolmasterish.

Lewis was the most accomplished of the three. He was adept at all speeds and was perhaps the most complex of all boogie-woogie pianists. His variety of basses was limitless, and so were his right-hand figures. Yancey's influence was clear, but it had been transformed into a fatter, nimbler, more intense approach. Ammons was at once a looser and even more driving pianist. At leisurely tempos, he seemed to spread slowly, like a stain, occasionally slipping out of the confines of boogie-woogie altogether to play a straight stride bass and heavily pedaled right-hand chords. At up tempos, though, he generated a passion that was bent wholly to the rhythmic characteristics of the music. Johnson was a Kansas City-trained pianist who frequently used a walking bass. His slow pieces often resembled Ammons' but at fast tempos—despite his mountainous walking basses and his agile staccato right-hand chords— he achieved only a tight, dispassionate quality. Johnson's work had more bark than bite. Both Lewis and Johnson have recorded in the past decade, but, sadly, their inventiveness is gone. One hears only repetitions of old phrases, mixed here and there with intimations of their old ingenuity.”


If you are looking for a single CD primer on boogie-woogie, in my opinion, you can’t do better than Ammons & Lewis: The First Day [Blue Note’s First Recording Session of January 6, 1939] [Blue Note CDP 7 98450 2].

Here are the eminent Jazz author Dan Morgenstern’s insert notes to the CD version of this historical important recording.

“On the first day of what was to become a legendary jazz label, Alfred Lion brought to a rented recording studio two of the great masters of boogie woogie piano, Albert Ammons and Meade Lux Lewis.

Two weeks earlier, he had attended the first of John Hammond's famed "Spirituals to Swing" concerts at Carnegie Hall, in which the two piano giants were featured, along with a host of other performers in what Hammond considered the pure jazz, blues and gospel idioms. It was a powerful experience for the 29-year-old jazz fan - a recent refugee from the murderous thugs who had seized power in Germany and made even his native Berlin (where he had discovered jazz at 16 at a concert by Sam Wooding's band) a place fraught with danger.

Lion had a special touch from the start. The session produced an astonishing 19 usable masters, 12 of which were issued on the extra-length 12-inch 78s that were to become a Blue Note trademark - no other jazz label of the 78 era devoted so much of its output to this more costly format, giving the artists more space in which to create. From day one, Blue Note had class.

Lion made the two Chicagoans in New York (where they would spend considerable time, appearing at Cafe Society, etc.) feel at home In the studio, providing their favorite food and drink, and they responded with an outpouring of creativity that made this first day a landmark not only in terms of the quantity of music produced, but also the quality.

In early 1939, boogie woogie had not yet become the fad that would bestow upon us such jewels as the Andrews Sisters'Boogie Woogie Bugle Boy, disinterred by Bette Midler; Freddy Martin's Bumble Boogie, and sundry other gems designed to make a true Jazz and blues fan take flight. But there had already been some valid mainstream adaptations of the style, such as Tommy Dorsey's big-band Boogie Woogie, well crafted by arranger Deane Kincaid from pianist-singer Plnetop Smith's 1928 hit record Plnetop's Boogie Woogie, which had given the style a lasting name.

Prior to that, the piano blues style marked by a steady, solid ostlnato bass, most often of eight beats to the bar, had been known as "Fast Western,""Texas Piano," or other designations pointing to its presumed geographic origins. It was a blues music made for dancing and partying, powerfully rhythmic and well adapted to the out-of-tune and otherwise Impaired uprights available.

This most percussive of all piano styles uses the blues for harmonic and melodic material; a skilled performer can produce the most complex and driving patterns within a seemingly restrictive framework.

Ammons (19O7-1848) and Lewis (19OS-19O4) have no real peers when It comes to making boogie woogie take flight. Even Pete Johnson, from kansas City rather than Chicago, who also played at Hammond's concert, recorded for Blue Note and often teamed with them, cannot match the inventiveness and power of these two, while such acknowledged originals as Jimmy Yancey (considered the "father" of the style by some) and Cripple Clarence Lofton are not as versatile and accomplished pianists.

Ammons (whose son Gene became a famous jazz tenor saxophonist) could play excellent Jazz piano and led fine little hot bands In Chicago in the '3Os and '4Os. Lewis was somewhat less at home with jazz changes but liked to try his hand at standards (he also sang); he was a terrific whistler. We can hear a swinging sample of their jazz chops on the duet Nagasaki (erroneously listed as "The Sheik of Araby" on previous issues); the Harry
Warren tune also recorded by Ammons with his 1836 band).

But it's the blues that is the main course here. This wonderfully varied blues program is a lesson in the inexhaustibility of this "simple" form which has produced so much of our century's music - including many a hybrid. Here we
have the real thing; Alfred Lion wanted no commercial concessions.

Generally speaking, Ammons is the more forceful, swinging and pianistically accomplished of our two heroes, Lewis the more inventive. As Max Harrison has pointed out, Lewis' prolonged assay The Blues (the fifth part, discovered by Michael Cuscuna, was first issued in 1983; the other four, on two 12-inch discs contained in a cardboard sleeve with art cover and and brief liner notes, constituted the first Jazz album ever issued of a single artist's work) "shows the variety of figuration, the different levels of intensity, and the depth of expression which can be drawn from simple harmonic progressions.
It is a splendid instance of how stylistic limitations, willingly accepted (my italics.), can heighten the impact of a music discourse."

These insights are applicable to most of the music on this disc. On this first day, Ammons and Lewis knew how to get the maximum yield from their chosen stylistic mode - or the choice they willingly made at the behest of their host. Alone and together, they made music still startling in its inspiration and purity. In vulgar or meretricious or merely silly hands, boogie woogies became a noisome cliche, but no amount of vulgarization can rob this music of its inherent grace and power.

On that first day, Alfred Lion could not have had even an inkling of what his enthusiastic experiment would lead to. He only knew that he wanted to capture for posterity (and immediate dissemination) some music that seemed remarkably beautiful and special. That first day's rich harvest showed that he was able to create a climate for recording - a process fundamentally different from other performance modes - that was stimulating for the artists.

He saw that what he had done was good and continued his labors in the fertile vineyards of Jazz, soon abetted by his boyhood friend and fellow fan Frank Wolff. Because they knew what they wanted to hear they eventually made it heard around the world. Here is the start of the romance between Blue Note and the blues.”
-Dan Morgenstern

The following video montage features Albert Ammons playing his original - Boogie Woogie Stomp.


Here’s the Tommy Dorsey Band’s version of Pine Top’s Boggie Woogie:

Julian and Nat: The Adderley Brothers

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“A great popularizer, and a leader in the soul-jazz style of the '6os, Cannon was a much-loved figure who helped keep jazz before an audience at a time when it was losing listeners. ...

Long a critically undervalued figure, Cannonball Adderley's status as a master communicator in jazz has increased since his sadly early death. The blues-soaked tone and hard, swinging delivery of his alto lines are as recognizable a sound as anything in the aftermath of bebop and, while many have been quick to criticize his essentially derivative manner - Cannonball frequently fell back on cliches, because he just liked the sound of them - there's a lean, hard-won quality about his best playing that says a lot about one man's dedication to his craft….

Adderley's regular quintet has often been damned with such faint praise as 'unpretentious' and 'soulful'. This was a hard-hitting, rocking band which invested blues and blowing formulae with an intensity that helped to keep one part of jazz's communication channels open at the time of Ornette Coleman, Eric Dolphy and other seekers after new forms….”
- Richard Cook and Brian Morton, The Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.

Julian “Cannonball” Adderley made his New York debut at the Cafe Bohemia in June, 1955, a moment which has gone down in jazz legend. It is a much told tale, but one that bears repeating. Julian and his brother, trumpeter Nat Adderley, had journeyed from their home in Florida to New York to spend some time in the city soaking up the jazz scene. At the time, the trumpeter had worked briefly with Lionel Hampton, but the saxophonist was a total stranger on the New York stage.

The Adderley Brothers made their way directly to Cafe Bohemia, where bassist Oscar Pettiford held the residency. His current saxophonist, Jerome Richardson, was absent, and the band began without him. As Nat Adderley explained to Jazz author Kenny Mathieson in 1997, what happened next has taken up permanent residence in Jazz lore.

“Julian and myself had our horns with us, not because we expected to play, but we didn't want to leave them in the car - this was New York, right? So what happened then was that Charlie Rouse came into the club, and when Oscar saw him come in, he called him over to sit in for Jerome. Charlie didn't have his horn, but Oscar had seen that we had our cases, so he sent Charlie over to borrow the horn. That was Oscar for you, I guess. But the thing was, Charlie knew Julian - he had met him in Florida, and knew that he could play. So Charlie said to Oscar that Julian didn't want anybody else to be blowing his horn, but he would sit in instead. Now, Oscar wasn't real happy about that, but he let him come up, then he called I'll Remember April at a real fast tempo. I'm talking murderous, man. And Julian just flew across the top, and left everybody with their mouths hanging open.”

When the saxophonist produced an equally dazzling performance on Pettiford's Bohemia After Dark, the bassist offered him a gig, and the word went around the New York musicians that a hot new property was in town.

Kenny Clarke, the drummer in Pettiford's band, had a record date for Savoy scheduled at the end of June, and invited both Adderley brothers to take part. It featured a variation on Pettiford's band, minus the leader, with Donald Byrd (trumpet), Jerome Richardson (tenor sax and flute), and a rhythm section of Horace Silver (piano), Paul Chambers (bass) and Clarke.

Savoy grabbed the chance to record a second session in July, this time under the saxophonist's own name, before he signed to EmArcy Records. It featured a quintet in which the brothers were joined by Hank Jones (piano), Chambers and Clarke.

The Savoy material was later collected as Spontaneous Combustion: The Savoy Sessions, and included two sides cut by a quartet led by Clarke on a separate date, featuring Nat but not Julian. As recording debuts go, it is not earth-shattering, but does reveal that the saxophonist was already well down the road to mastery. He sounds like a seasoned player from the outset, and on cuts like 'With Apologies To Oscar', 'Bohemia After Dark' or a lithe reading of 'Willow Weep For Me', he reveals his command of line, phrasing and rhythmic momentum, whatever the tempo.

And then there are the blues performances, Hear Me Talkin' To Ya from the first date, and Spontaneous Combustion and the slower Still Talkin' To Ya from the second. They lay down a bedrock of blues invention and expression which the saxophonist would exploit to the full in the next two decades.

As Peter Keepnews noted in his sleeve notes for the album release, 'the special value of Adderley's music was never that there was anything startlingly "new" about it, but rather that his was a style simultaneously "modern" in conception and solidly rooted in the traditions of jazz'. Those traditions included not only Charlie Parker, to whom Adderley was continuously and tiresomely compared, but also to earlier swing era stylists like Coleman Hawkins (his first hero) and especially Benny Carter.

After an initial stutter in the late-1950s, Cannonball Adderley's subsequent career brought him a great deal of success, and a great deal of rather deprecating criticism from those who saw him as selling out his jazz heritage in pursuit of it. He arguably did more than any other single musician to popularise the idea of soul jazz, and his 45 rpm single hits of the early 1960s (usually edited-down versions of album tracks, but sometimes made specifically for that purpose) conjured up an image of a much earlier phase of jazz history, but it would be entirely wrong to dismiss him as simply a populist with a shrewd feel for public taste (which is no hanging offence in any case).

Adderley followed his own musical instincts in everything he did, and they did not always coincide with the critical agendas of the day.

As Chris Sheridan points out in Dis Here: A Bio-Discography of Julian “Cannonball' Adderley, that kind of reaction is “the cross borne by many of those who consolidate rather than innovate.... Unfortunately, there is no more potent kiss of death in the eyes of so-called "purists" than a taste of popular and therefore financial success, but this cannot alter the fact that Mr Adderley's music was full of exhilaratingly naive freshness and always swung hard. As Nat has observed, he appreciated their "hits" for the security they afforded and for the people they pleased, but he always wanted the chance to “play whatever he pleased.”

The Adderley brothers had grown up in Florida, where Julian acquired his familiar nickname, said to be a corruption of “Cannibal,” inspired by his formidable appetite.


Julian Edwin Adderley was born on 15 September, 1928, and Nathaniel three years later, on 25 November, 1931 (that is the commonly accepted date, although Chris Sheridan gives it as 21 November, apparently on Nat's authority).

Their father, also Julian, was a cornetist, and started both boys on the trumpet as children. Nat stuck with it, and adopted the cornet as his horn of choice from 1950, but Julian chose to switch to saxophone, seemingly inspired by hearing Coleman Hawkins with the Fletcher Henderson Orchestra. Their musical careers would remain intertwined until Julian's death from a stroke while on tour on 8 August, 1975 (the saxophonist suffered from diabetes, as did Nat).

They formed their first band as youngsters (they were eleven and eight at the time), and continued to develop through school and college. After graduating, Julian took a job teaching and ran a band on the side, including a stint leading a band in the army, where his fellow musicians included Nat, trombonist Curtis Fuller and pianist Junior Mance.

Nat was the first to spread his musical wings beyond their home. In 1954, having also taken a teaching qualification, he joined Lionel Hampton's band for a time. Any further thought of teaching careers was put aside after the Bohemia debut in 1955, and both men turned their full attention to music.

Julian was signed by EmArcy Records (the label was an imprint of Mercury Records) immediately after the Savoy dates, and set about forming his first real band, with Nat on cornet.

He cut several highly manufactured sessions for his new label, including an octet date for his eponymous debut in July, 1955; a With Strings album in October of that year; a ten-piece band for In The Land of Hi-Fi in June, 1956; and an album of tunes from Duke Ellington's musical Jump For Joy, cut with trumpeter Emmett Berry, a string quartet and rhythm section in 1958, with fine arrangements by Bill Russo.

The essential musical core of his work for EmArcy, however, lay in the
sessions with his quintet, in which Nat was joined by a rhythm trio featuring Junior Mance's rolling, bluesy piano, Sam Jones on bass, and drummer Jimmy Cobb. They recorded most of the material for the albums released as Sophisticated Swing and Cannonball Enroute in February, 1957, with the sessions for Cannonball's Sharpshooters following in March, 1958. The problem was that much of this music was not released until considerably later, and the lack of support for their working quintet contributed both to its demise, and to their departure from the company. All three albums were eventually gathered on an excellent 2-CD compilation as Sophisticated Swing: The EmArcy Small-Group Sessions in 1995, along with Nat Adderley's To The Ivy League From Nat.

There was to be no immediate success story, however. A combination of inexperience and financial naivety led to the break-up of the band as a working unit in 1957. Both Julian and Nat went off to work as sidemen for a time, the trumpeter with J. J. Johnson and Woody Herman, and the saxophonist in what was to be a crucial stay with Miles Davis, in a period which encompassed the recording of Milestones and Kind of Blue, as well as Adderley's equally memorable contributions to Gil Evans'New Bottle, Old Wine for Pacific Jazz in 1958, and the joint Davis-Evans classic Porgy and Bess, also in 1958. Adderley also had the chance to join Dizzy Gillespie at that point, but told Ira Gitler in 1959 (quoted in Ashley Khan's Kind of Blue) that his decision to plump for Miles had two motivating factors: “I had two things in mind. I had the commercial thing in view, like I wanted to get the benefit of Miles's exposure ... I figured I could learn more than with Dizzy. Not that Dizzy isn't a good teacher, but he played more commercially than Miles. Thank goodness I made the move I did.”

The trumpeter initially hired Adderley for his quintet, because, according to the saxophonist, “he didn't dig any of the tenor players around and Trane had left.” Coltrane then returned to the band, making up the famous sextet on Kind of Blue. In his autobiography, Miles explained that he saw the possibility of developing a “new kind of feeling” by exploiting the contrast between “Cannonball's blues-rooted alto sax up against Trane's harmonic, chordal way of playing, his more free-form approach,” a wish which was handsomely fulfilled. Adderley's albums with Miles and Evans undoubtedly constitute some of the highest peaks in his recording career, and must be considered central to any assessment of his musical standing.

Cannonball also recorded several other significant albums during his tenure in the trumpeter's band. Somethin' Else, a one-off session for Blue Note on 9 March, 1958, featured Davis in his last appearance as a sideman. The saxophonist began recording for Riverside in July, 1958, opening his account with Portrait of Cannonball with a sextet featuring another Florida hornman, trumpeter Blue Mitchell, and pianist Bill Evans. Alabama Concerto, recorded in late July and early August, 1958, was a folk-derived project originally credited to composer John Benson Brooks, but later reissued as an Adderley disc.

A more compelling date in October, 1958, teamed the altoist in a vibrant collaboration with vibraphonist Milt Jackson on Things Are Getting Better, a relaxed, swinging showcase for two players imbued from top to toe in the blues. A quintet date from 3 February, 1959, originally issued as Cannonball Adderley Quintet In Chicago and subsequently reissued as Cannonball and Coltrane, featured Miles's band minus its leader (a similar personnel completed a Paul Chambers session for Veejay on the same day).
Just before leaving the trumpeter's employ, he cut another Riverside date in April-May, 1959, released as Cannonball Takes Charge. Several of these sessions would certainly fall into any list of his most important discs.

The experience gained in the two years of that association with Miles had helped the saxophonist mature into an even more fully rounded player, and he re-emerged ready for the challenge of leading his own band again in 1959, albeit in a very different musical direction to the modal explorations which characterised Kind of Blue.


His recordings had already established his credentials as an alto saxophonist with an equally secure grip on driving bop tunes, blues and ballads, an irresistible sense of swing, and an alto sound which had something of Charlie Parker's diamond-hard luminescence, mixed in beautifully proportioned fashion with the rich, buttery elegance of Benny Carter, the occasional whiff of an earthy, jump band saltiness, and a touch of sanctified gospel feel. Those were the classic constituents of hard bop, and Adderley was about to establish himself as the most popular exponent of the genre.

The sound which would give him his most overt commercial success had already been prefigured on funky tunes like Nat's compositions Another Kind of Soul on Sophisticated Swing and That Funky Train on Cannonball Enroute, Sam Jones's Blue Funk from Portrait of Cannonball, or Julian's own Wabash from In Chicago.

It was their version of Bobby Timmons'This Here (aka 'Dis Here') which really caught on big, however, and helped move the band onto another plane, in commercial terms at least. The tune was taken from their Riverside album Cannonball Adderley Quintet in San Francisco, record at the Jazz Workshop in October, 1959, with a band which featured Nat on cornet, Timmons on piano, Sam Jones on bass, and Louis Hayes on drums. Orrin Keepnews had promised Adderley that he would record the band whenever the saxophonist felt ready, and remained true to his word when he received an excited call to report how well things were going in the four week stint at the Workshop.

The live recording was born of necessity (the availability of an appropriate studio in San Francisco) rather than careful planning, and proved to be one of those serendipitous masterstrokes which can arise in apparently unpromising circumstances. It opened in unconventional fashion with a lengthy spoken introduction from the saxophonist, which, among other things, established the verbal authority for the Dis Here version of the title in the course of his oration on soul. His verbal rapport with his audience was a feature of his style, and an indication of his ability to communicate easily and directly with them. An affable personality may have helped grease the wheels (and infuriate the purists), but it was the music in all its funky, soulful, swinging joy which established the LP as an even bigger seller than the single, and propelled the saxophonist onto another level of stardom.

Our culture predisposes us to link artistry with suffering, a stereotype which
Adderley gleefully pushed aside. Chris Sheridan puts it thus: “Unlike some jazz musicians, his style was a mirror image of his personality: large, eloquent, outgoing and above all predisposed to the sunnier side of life, despite a rare eloquence in interpretation of jazz's most basic material, the blues. It was a sense of optimism in much of his playing that echoed that of trumpeter Clifford Brown. Neglecting his gifts with the blues, many commentators thus wrote him off as of narrow emotional range.”

His effusive music had a verbose, easy going lyricism which permeates the San Francisco date, and retains its charm largely intact. In addition to Dis Here, the album included a great take of Spontaneous Combustion and a version of Bohemia After Dark, Adderley's own You Got It, and Randy Weston's Hi-Fly, while later issues added Monk's Straight, No Chaser. It is solid, swinging and unpretentious stuff, but with much powerful, inventive and expressive jazz improvisation along the way.

It was the harbinger of much to come in a similar vein. Timmons had not been his first choice as pianist when he was putting the new quintet together - he had offered the job to Phineas Newborn, but the pianist would only agree to join the band if he received featured billing, and Nat already had that (the band was always billed as “The Cannonball Adderley Quintet featuring Nat Adderley”). Timmons proved a fortunate alternative, and although he did not stay long in the group, he not only provided them with that initial hit, but also its follow-up, Dat Dere, drawn from a session on 1 February,1960, shortly after Nat Adderley had cut his own best known tune, Work Song (aka 'The Work Song'). It is one of the most archetypal of all hard bop compositions, and appeared on his own album of that name, along with another hard bop classic, Julian's Sack o' Woe.

In a precise parallel with his brother, the cornetist had also signed to Riverside after cutting albums with Savoy and EmArcy, and chose an unusual line-up for what became his classic album. His cornet was featured alongside guitarist Wes Montgomery, who had been recommended to Orrin Keepnews by Cannonball the previous year and was cutting The Incredible Jazz Guitar of Wes Montgomery back-to-back with this session, and either Sam Jones or Keter Belts on cello. Not all the manipulations of personnel were quite as planned - as Orrin Keepnews revealed in his reminiscence on Nat in The View From Within, the two cuts with no piano resulted from Bobby Timmons dropping out “on account of a little drinking.”

Work Songwas recorded in January, 1960, and contains some of Nat Adderley's finest playing on record outside of his brother's bands. It was one of several albums he cut for the label, including Branching Out in 1958, with saxophonist Johnny Griffin and the trio known as The Three Sounds (comprising pianist Gene Harris, bassist Andy Simpkins and drummer Bill Dowdy), and That's Right, a 1960 date with a five-strong saxophone section, as well as the subtly arranged Much Brass with trombonist Slide Hampton from 1959. He was never a great virtuoso, but evolved a distinctive signature on cornet, blending a rich tone and earthy warmth with the horn's inherent touch of astringency to great effect, and developed an individual and expressive voice of his own, which included a sparing but effective use of the very low registers of the horn, as well as lip-busting explorations at the opposite end of its range.

The early 1960s were a busy and productive time for the Adderley brothers.  Despite receiving lucrative offers elsewhere, Adderley remained with Riverside until the label's demise in 1964, and neither he nor Keepnews was about to ignore a winning gambit. His remaining albums for the label included several more live sets, including The Cannonball Adderley Quintet at The Lighthouse in 1960, with English pianist Victor Feldman now installed at the piano, doubling on vibes. The saxophonist then expanded his group to a sextet in 1961, adding saxophonist Yusef Lateef to the personnel, while the Austrian pianist Joe Zawinul took over the stool he would occupy for a decade, before moving on to Weather Report via Miles Davis.

The choice of a second white European pianist brought Adderley some flack from those who felt his band should give preference to black cats, but, like Miles, he was colour blind when it came to music, although he was active in support of civil rights issues. The sextet are featured on Cannonball Adderley Sextet In New York, cut at the Village Vanguard in January, 1962; Jazz Workshop Revisited, a return to the scene of earlier triumphs in September, 1962, which introduced another of Nat's best known compositions, The Jive Samba; Cannonball In Europe, recorded in August, 1962, but not released at the time (other live material from European tours of that period has also surfaced on the Pablo, OJC and TCB labels); and Nippon Soul, cut in Tokyo in July, 1963 (again, other concert recordings have also emerged on various labels from that tour).


His studio albums for Riverside included Them Dirty Blues, the album cut on 1 February, 1960, which featured Dat Dere;The Poll Winners, the only recorded meeting of Adderley and Wes Montgomery in May-June, 1960; Know What I Mean?, a rare quartet date from 1961 named for one of the saxophonist's favourite catch phrases, with Bill Evans on piano, and the MJQ-derived team of Percy Heath and Connie Kay; The Cannonball Adderley Quintet Plus, a fine session from May, 1961, with pianist Wynton Kelly augmenting the quintet, allowing Feldman to play more vibes than usual; African Waltz, a 1961 album with a big band accompaniment; and the self-explanatory Cannonball's Bossa Nova, a cash-in on a current fad from December, 1962, which had the merit of using a Brazilian group that included pianist Sergio Mendes and drummer Dom Um Romao.

The stability of personnel undoubtedly contributed to making the Adderley Sextet one of the great ensembles in all modern jazz. Lateef, whose instruments included flute and oboe as well as tenor saxophone, was, like drummer Louis Hayes, a native of Detroit (bassist Sam Jones, on the other hand, belonged to the Florida contingent). He had cut his teeth with the likes of Roy Eldridge and Dizzy Gillespie in the late 1940s, but was also given to a more experimental impulse which was reflected in his work with Mingus prior to joining the sextet, and in his own subsequent albums for Impulse! and Atlantic in the 1960s and 1970s. His earlier discs, including sessions for Riverside and Prestige, had been relatively more straight-ahead affairs (although often with a distinct Eastern flavour in the music, as in The Centaur and The Phoenix from 1960, or Eastern Sounds the following year), and he was on the cusp of a more outward bound approach in his two years with the sextet, from late 1961 to 1964.

His introduction not only added depth to the ensemble and a new, distinctive and occasionally disruptive voice and tonal colour to the band's front line, but sparked the two resident hornmen to even greater efforts. Lateef also brought a striking variation into the band's repertoire, introducing compositions which stretched their music in unaccustomed directions. That was evident right from the outset on In New York, cut only three weeks after he joined the band (although he already sounds pretty much at home). Challenging compositions like Planet Earth and Syn-anthesia on that album, or Brother John, his tribute to John Coltrane featured on Nippon Soul, nestle a little uncomfortably amid the more amiable blowing vehicles, but bring a newly charged dimension to the music which was heightened by his more 'out' approach on all of his instruments.

The tension which his contributions brought to the music generally worked well as a contrast with the band's more settled directions, and often produced dramatic responses from his colleagues, while Zawinul fitted sweetly into a unit which boasted one of the best rhythm sections around in Jones and Hayes, who laid down a relentlessly swinging and superbly focused rhythmic foundation under everything the band did. The pianist contributed a great deal of material to the band's book in his long tenure with them, on both the more populist and the more advanced facets of their music. Zawinul recalled the feel of the band for Brian Glasser's book In A Silent Way.

“We did nothing but work, man, 46-47 weeks a year, and often under the best circumstances. A lot of the time we really had fantastic fun. In Europe, I hadn't had a chance to play bebop, and Cannonball was the first gig where I could really stretch out, a solo on every tune. I feel Sam Jones and Louis Hayes were really instrumental in my really getting down with this. Sam Jones is one of the greatest walkers of all time, and Louis has one of the gifted right hands - his cymbal beat is dangerous. And though I was still green for a while, Cannonball would let me play trio tunes with Sam and Louis. In Philadelphia, in a club where it's 90 per cent black, I'm playing my shit and we have those people on their chairs. I used to check out how people accepted me, and it showed me I was right to do this.”

The demise of Riverside took Adderley to Capitol, where he continued to rack up commercial successes, opening his account with (surprise) a live album, Cannonball Adderley - Live!, recorded in August, 1964, with a young Charles Lloyd replacing Lateef on tenor. His tenure with Capitol produced around twenty albums, many of which were forgettable by comparison with his earlier work. The creeping sense of relying on formulaic solutions which was evident even in the Riverside years became more and more marked as the decade progressed. Nonetheless, there was also much strong stuff emerging. He scored further successes with tunes like Mercy, Mercy, Mercy, which provided his biggest hit of all in 1966, and Country Preacher in 1969, both prime slices of greasy, sanctified funk written by Zawinul.

He experimented with a flavour of African drumming on Accent On Africa in 1968, and with electronics on The Price You Got To Pay To Be Free in 1970 (among others), played soprano now and then, and chipped in the occasional vocal, as did Nat. He renewed his association with Orrin Keepnews when he signed to the Fantasy label in 1973, and cut solid albums like Inside Straight (1973) and Phenix (1975), a double LP which looked back to many of his classic tunes with various members of his past bands, and carried the odd intimation of a more radical direction which was always part of his work, notably in his solo on a remake of 74 Miles Away, a modal tune by Zawinul which the pianist described as “a very natural groove based on just one chord” -  A flat minor. It was originally recorded in 1967 on an album of that name, and stands alongside tunes like Hippodelphia or Rumplestiltskin as one of Zawinul's more exploratory pieces for the band.

Bass player Walter Booker confirmed the tension which simmered between the pianist and the more conservative Nat Adderley over the direction of their music, and eventually led to Zawinul's moving on at the end of 1970. He told Brian Glasser that Zawinul was responsible for the direction in which the music was going in the late 1960s, but “Joe always wanted to go further and do more, and Nat was holding it back,” while the leader took a middle position and reaped the musical benefits:

“Cannon moved on in a number of ways, but Nat was a straight-down-the-middle sort of guy - that was the way his tastes ran. He and Cannon never had any overt problems with it, because they did a tremendous job of adjusting to each other, which is not always automatic between brothers. So to say there was a certain amount of pull between Joe and Nat is quite accurate. ... Cannonball's personality was a very relaxed one. He was not gonna get uptight about musical differences. He'd find a way to work things out ... and if the way to work it out was to step back and let these guys bounce off each other, what the hell!”

Cannonball was at work on an album at the time of his unexpected and sadly premature death at the age of forty-six. The saxophonist's career had traced a parabola described succinctly by Chris Sheridan:

“He began more loved by musicians than by critics, and ended more loved by the public than by the critics. In between was an intense period when, first with Miles Davis, then with his own re-formed quintet, Cannonball was lauded by all camps.”

If the saxophonist was always ready to toss in one of his stock licks, it was not because he could think of nothing else to play -he did so because he enjoyed playing them, and liked the way they sounded, which just about sums up his philosophy when it came to making music.

Orrin Keepnews described him as:

“ … one of the most completely alive human beings I had ever encountered;  a big man and a joyous man, intensely loyal to his associates, but also the kind of star who volunteered his services as a sideman (at union scale) for the record dates of men he liked and respected like Jimmy Heath, Kenny Dorham, Philly Joe Jones. He came up with the idea of his producing albums that would present either unknown newcomers or underappreciated veterans; he felt that his name might help their careers (Chuck Mangione first recorded as a Cannonball Adderley 'presentation').”

Whatever the tensions and frustrations, Joe Zawinul was in no doubt about the leader's merits, and as a leading musician who worked closely with the saxophonist for a decade, was well placed to reflect on them when asked to compile a CD anthology in the late 1990s: “Cannonball is one of the greatest musicians of all time. I played with him nine and a half years, and not one time did I hear him searching for something on the horn. Not that he wasn't improvising, but his reaction time was so quick. You never felt he was looking for it. He hardly ever practised. There was no reason for him to practise. And Cannon's tone! I played with the guy, but I'm not a music listener who sits around and plays old albums, so when I listened to his recordings it was his tone that struck me first. It was just awesome. His sound in the lower register is so beautiful, and the sound didn't get skinny going up. Some players sound nice in the bottom then go up, and they don't have it. Cannonball had the most beautiful control of his entire instrument.”

With the notable exception of Julian's work with Miles, however, the Adderleys rarely sounded better than when they were blowing together on some sweet, strong, funky hard bop, or putting the soul in soul jazz.

This piece draws heavily from the following bibliography: Chris Sheridan Dis Here: A Bio-Discography of Julian Cannonball Adderley , Cary Ginell, Walk Tall: The Music and Life of Julian “Cannonball” Adderley, Ashley Khan's Kind of Blue, Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965, Orrin Keepnews, The View from Within, Brian Glasser, In A Silent Way and numerous liner and insert notes by a wide variety of authors.




Remembering Sheldon Meyer – Jazz Editor

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

For all the reasons explained below, Sheldon Meyer was one of the most important persons in the Jazz World of the second half of the 20th Century. 

Indeed, had he not interceded on its behalf in his capacity as editor for Oxford University Press, much of the written history of Jazz might not be available as either a primary or a secondary source.

His contributions to Jazz documentation are inestimable, yet, very few Jazz fans know his name.

The posting of this feature is intended to help correct that deficiency. 


“Sheldon Meyer, a distinguished editor of nonfiction books who was almost single-handedly responsible for the Americanization of Oxford University Press in his more than 40 years there, died on Oct. 9 [2006] at his home in Manhattan. He was 80….

Mr. Meyer … made Oxford a major publisher of books about American popular culture — notably jazz and musical theater — and in so doing helped democratize scholarly publishing in the United States….

In Mr. Meyer’s early years with Oxford, he sometimes had trouble persuading dusty dons across the Atlantic that baseball and Basie were fit subjects for a European publishing concern founded in 1478.

‘Now they’re tremendously supportive,” Mr. Meyer told The New York Times in 1988. “They’re delighted because the books do well and they reflect well on American culture. The whole field now has an aura of respectability about it.’”
- Margalit Fox, The New York Times, October 18, 2006

"I had an advantage in staying at one place for forty years. I never could have done the jazz list if I was moving around to three or four publishers during that period. It is kind of an extreme irony that the greatest university press in the world, with these high standards, should become the major publisher of jazz, broadcasting, popular music, all these areas. But I was there at the right time and I had a group of people at the press who had enough flexibility and understanding to let it go forward. Now everybody is enormously proud of this whole thing. I couldn't ask for a better career."
- Sheldon Meyer as told to Gary Giddins

“I have a huge library of books on jazz and popular music. Probably half of them were published by Sheldon and Oxford. To contemplate the condition in which the documentation of jazz and American popular culture would be in had Sheldon Meyer never lived is a gloomy act indeed. …

It is in this light that the great body of Sheldon Meyer's work must be seen. And no one has ever more fully embodied the dictum that an institution is the lengthened shadow of one man than Sheldon Meyer. What the world of jazz owes him is beyond estimate, and most of its denizens don't even know his name.”
Gene Lees, Jazz author

It is tremendously limiting and very unfair of me to refer to the late, Sheldon Meyer solely as a “Jazz Editor,” but I like to think of him that way, that is when I’m not thinking of him as “Sheldon Meyer – Baseball Editor” [another of my favorite subjects].

I thought perhaps that readers of the blog might be interested in the following excerpts from Gene’s view of Mr. Meyer’s significance to Jazz publications during the second half of the 20th century [March, 1998 edition of his Jazzletter].

Few have placed a larger footprint on the written documentation of and opinions about Jazz than Mr. Meyer.  

If you stay with Gene’s essay to the end, not only will you have learned more about a great man – Mr. Sheldon Meyer – but you may also find yourself shedding a tear or two about the current and future state of Jazz research and documentation. 

© -  Gene Lees/Jazzletter; copyright protected; all rights reserved.; used with the author's permission.

A Lengthened Shadow

“Something catastrophic for jazz has happened in New York. I refer to the retirement at the age of seventy of Sheldon Meyer.

Sheldon Meyer, until recently senior vice president of Oxford University Press, is one of the most important men in jazz history, and if in fifty years various persons are researching this music in this time, they will be deeply in debt to him; and probably they will never have heard of him. He is a tall, indeed imposing, man with a round face, remarkably smooth and youthful skin, and equally youthful manner and bearing. He has a droll sense of humor, a quick laugh, and a remarkable lack of pretension for one whose career has been so creative and important.

Gary Giddins recently wrote in the New York Times Book Review: "'Midlist' is an industry euphemism for those writers who do not scale best-seller charts.

"Until the recent spate of articles about the woes of publishing, it never would have occurred to me that I was a midlist author. I write books about jazz, and from where I sit, midlist sounds like a promotion. Yet, along with several colleagues, I have never felt professionally marginalized in the publishing world, and for that we have one man to thank. On the occasion of his retiring from Oxford University Press, Sheldon Meyer merits, at the very least, a flourish of saxophones, a melody by Jerome Kern and a high-kicking chorus line salute. Over the past forty years, Meyer turned the world's oldest and most staid publishing house into the leading chronicler of jazz, Broadway musicals, popular-song writers, broadcasting, and black cultural history. And he and his masters made money at it."

A small number of editors have achieved great prominence, among them Harold Ross of the New Yorker and Maxwell Perkins, who brought to the world Ernest Hemingway, Thomas Wolfe, and others of that stature in the time when fiction still held sway as the major literary act. I think Sheldon's name, in the non-fiction area, belongs at that level.

Sheldon spent the first few years of his career at Funk and Wagnall's, joining Oxford in 1956. Funk and Wagnall's had published Marshall Stearns' pioneering The Story of Jazz. Through Stearns, Sheldon met Martin Williams, who was to become a friend and adviser, as well as writing a number of books published by Oxford. At Oxford Sheldon published Gunther Schuller's Early Jazz, which, as Gary Giddins points out, "remains the most important musicological statement on jazz's infancy."

I came to know Sheldon through James Lincoln Collier, whom I also did not know at the time. Writers about jazz are often notable for an ill-concealed jealousy and a sullen conviction that they alone know anything about the subject, that it is or should be their exclusive domain. Collier proved to be an outstanding exception. He had read some of the Jazzletters and told Sheldon about me, saying, "You should be publishing this guy." Then he wrote me a letter saying he thought Sheldon Meyer at Oxford University Press would be receptive to a collection of my essays. It was an act of generosity that would change my life.

I wrote to Sheldon Meyer, who had published several collections of the exquisite word portraits of Whitney Balliett. Quite timidly, I began by saying, "I am well aware that collections of essays don't sell." And I got back a letter saying, somewhat testily, "Mine do." He said he would very much like to consider a collection of my pieces. After reading a number of them, he told me on the telephone, "You have a reputation as a songwriter and as an expert on singing. I think our first collection — " and I nearly choked on that word first "— should be about songwriting and singers." It became Singers and the Song (a title he gave it) and it would win the ASCAP Deems Taylor Award. So would another collection of my work that Sheldon would publish, Waiting for Dizzy. (I've won it three times. Gary Giddins has the record: he's won it five times.)

In addition, Sheldon published my Meet Me at Jim and Andy’sCats of Any Color, and Leader of the Band: The Life of Woody Herman, and Singers and the Song II, due out in June — an expanded and altered version of the first book. He published Jim Collier's biographies of Louis Armstrong, Benny Goodman, and Duke Ellington. He published Ted Gioia's West Coast Jazz and, more recently, The History of Jazz, and two books by bassist Bill CrowJazz Anecdotes and From Birdland to Broadway, after reading some of Bill's delightful pieces is the Jazzletter.

Sheldon published Reid Badger's A Life in Ragtime: A Biography of James Reese Europe', King of Ragtime: Scott Joplin and His Era by Edward A. Berlin; Philip Furia's The Poets of Tin Pan Alley (the best book on lyrics and lyricists I've ever read) and Ira Gershwin: The Art of the Lyricist; Joseph P. Swain's The Broadway Musical; Mark Tucker's The Duke Ellington ReaderThe Jazz Scene by W. Royal Stokes; Arnold Shaw's The Jazz Age; Gene Santoro's Dancing in Your Head and Stir It UpThe Frank Sinatra Reader by Steven Petkov and Leonard Mustazz; Bebop by Thomas Owens; The Jazz Revolution by Kathy I. Ogren; Too Marvelous for Words: The Life and Genius of Art Tatum, by James Lester; Ira Gitler's Swing to Bop; Leslie Course's Contemporary Women Instrumentalists, and many more, including a new encyclo­pedia of jazz, on which Leonard Feather and Ira Gitler were working when Leonard died. Ira is completing it.

And Sheldon commissioned and published American Popular Song by Alec Wilder and James Maher, one of the most important books in American musical history.

I have a huge library of books on jazz and popular music. Probably half of them were published by Sheldon and Oxford. To contemplate the condition in which the documentation of jazz and American popular culture would be in had Sheldon Meyer never lived is a gloomy act indeed. Most of those books would not have found an outlet without him.

And aside from the jazz books, Sheldon published Lawrence W. Levine's Black Culture and Black Consciousness, Albert J. Raboteau's Slave Religion, John Blassingame's Slave Community, Robert C. Toll's Blacking Up, Nathan Irvin Huggins' Harlem Renaissance, A. Leon Higginbotham' Jr.'s In the Matter of Color, Thomas Cripps' Slow Fade to Black, Richard C. Wade's Slavery in the Cities, and a two-volume biography of Booker T. Washing­ton by Louis R. Harlan's.

It is highly unlikely that the standard "commercial" publishing houses would have risked publishing such works, certainly the jazz books.

I once asked who actually headed Oxford, and was told that it was a group of anonymous dons at the university in England. I thought this was a joke; I learned that while the statement may have been hyperbolic, it was not exactly untrue. There is a certain amorphous quality about the upper level of Oxford University Press, but Sheldon Meyer lent to his division dignity, direction, and decision. When he started publishing books on jazz, his "masters," as Gary Giddins called them, questioned him. As Sheldon told Gary:

"I had some problems in the mid-60s. The head of the press in England said he had begun to notice some odd books appearing in the Oxford list, and I said, well, I'm responsible for them. Since he was a papyrologist — a guy working with old documents, old rolls of paper — he didn't have much connection with this world, to say the least. So I said to him, 'Well, look, as long as these books are authoritative and make money, it seems to me they're appropriate for the press to publish.' Fortunately for the future of my career, that turned out to be correct."

Read between the lines of that and you'll realize that Sheldon laid his career on the line to publish books about jazz. Thus it came to be that probably the oldest publishing house in England became the premiere publishing house on contemporary American culture.

As he told Gary Giddins, "I had an advantage in staying at one place for forty years. I never could have done the jazz list if I was moving around to three or four publishers during that period. It is kind of an extreme irony that the greatest university press in the world, with these high standards, should become the major publisher of jazz, broadcasting, popular music, all these areas. But I was there at the right time and I had a group of people at the press who had enough flexibility and understanding to let it go forward. Now everybody is enormously proud of this whole thing. I couldn't ask for a better career."

Sheldon Meyer has been an editor of brilliance, and if there is such a thing in editing, even of genius. I began to get a bad feeling a couple of years ago when his close friend and long-time professional associate, Leona Capeless, one of the finest copy editors I've ever known, retired from Oxford. And now that Sheldon too has retired, my unhappy capacity to reach conclusions I don't like tells me that much chronicling of American cultural history is never going to get done. The loss to America and to the world is inestimable.

In the past few years, I have been only too aware that primary sources of jazz history, and popular-music history, are being lost to us. The great masters, the men who were there, are slowly leaving us. I do not know who said, "Whenever anyone dies, a library burns." But it is true: almost anyone's experience is worth recording, even that of the most "ordinary" person. For the great unknown terrain of human history is not what the kings and famous men did — for much, though by no means all, of this was recorded, no matter how imperfectly — but how the "common" people lived.

When Leonard Feather first came to the United States from England in the late 1930s, he was able to know most of his musical heroes, including Louis Armstrong and Jelly Roll Morton. By the end of the 1940s, Leonard knew everybody of significance in jazz from the founding figures to the young iconoclasts. And when I became actively involved in the jazz world in 1959, as editor of Down Beat, most of them were still there. I met most of them, and became friends with many, especially the young Turks more or less of my own age. I have lived to see them grow old (and sometimes not grow old), and die, their voices stilled forever. And so, in recent years, I have felt impelled to do what I can to get their memories down before they are lost, leading me to write what I think of as mini-biographies of these people. This has been the central task of the Jazzletter. And always underlying my efforts in the past ten years has been the quiet confidence that, thanks to Sheldon, these works would end up between hard covers on library shelves for the use of future music historians. That is no longer so.

When I wanted to know something about one aspect or another of music history in the 1960s, I could pick up the telephone and call these older mentors, such as Alec Wilder or my special friend Johnny Mercer, or Robert Offergeld, music editor of Stereo Review when I wrote for it and one of the greatest scholars I have ever known. If I wanted to know something about the history or the technique of film composition, I could telephone my dear, dear friend Hugo Friedhofer, who wrote his first film music in 1929. There was nothing worth knowing about film music that Hugo didn't know; and not much for that matter about the history of all music. I can't call Hugo any more. Or Dizzy. I can't call Glenn Gould either. Gerry Mulligan was ten months older than I. Shorty Rogers died while I was researching the Woody Herman biogra­phy; I was to interview him in a week or two.

Now, when my generation is gone, there will be no one much left who knew Duke Ellington and Woody Herman and Ben Webster and Coleman Hawkins. All future writers will be dependent not on primary sources, which all of these people were for me, but on secondary sources, which is to say documents. And earlier writings. And I have found much of the earlier writing on jazz, such as that of John Hammond and Ralph J. Gleason, to be unreliable — sloppy in research, gullible in comprehension, and too often driven by personal and even political agendas. Errors — and lies — reproduce themselves in future writings.

It is in this light that the great body of Sheldon Meyer's work must be seen. And no one has ever more fully embodied the dictum that an institution is the lengthened shadow of one man than Sheldon Meyer. What the world of jazz owes him is beyond estimate, and most of its denizens don't even know his name.

Sheldon continues as a consultant to Oxford, completing projects he initiated. But no writer who has dealt with him thinks Oxford will continue developing these hugely significant projects. And therefore much of jazz and popular-music history is going to go unrecorded, lost forever. We are fortunate, however, that Sheldon Meyer managed to get as much of it preserved as he did.

Salud, Sheldon. We all owe you.”

Salud, Gene, We all owe you, too.

[Mr. Lees passed away on April 22, 2010]



Minton’s: Then and Now

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


While reviewing a previous newspaper clipping in my files on the reopening of Minton’s Playhouse, the New York City birthplace of Bebop in the early 1940’s, I was reminded me of the excellent chapter on the subject in Mike Hennessey’s biography of drummer Kenny Clarke – Klook: The Story of Kenny Clarke [Pittsburgh: The University of Pittsburgh Press, 1990].

I thought it might be fun to combine a feature that describes what it was like at Minton’s during the formative years of the style of Jazz now known as Bebop with a description of the then current plans to reopen the club over 75 years later as described in the newspaper article.

Minton's – The Beginning

© -Mike Hennessey, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

“The part played by Minton's Playhouse in shaping the course of jazz history has been abundantly documented; but it was such a vital and significant chapter in the personal story of Kenny Clarke, and so central to his role as a key innovator, that I make no apology for recapitulating here one of the revelatory, true stories in jazz - a true story which has become a veritable legend and, like all good legends, has been decorated with a good deal of fanciful and subjective embellishment.

Minton's Playhouse was a shabby, unprepossessing room -part of the Hotel Cecil building - on Harlem's 118th Street between Seventh Avenue and St Nicholas, which, in 1940, did not offer any outward sign of becoming a research and development centre for young musicians intent on taking jazz in dramatically new directions. Yet Minton's was to become the crucible in which many of the elements of the new jazz were fused.

Henry Minton, the man who gave the venue its name, was a former saxophone player who became the first black delegate to Local 802 of the American Federation of Musicians. He was, by all accounts, a diligent representative of the musicians he served, and when he opened the Playhouse, he did it to provide his musician friends with a place to play and a place to eat.


Minton loved his food and was no mean cook. Initially the Playhouse was largely patronized by the more elderly of the neighborhood’s citizens, but when, in 1940, Minton appointed Teddy Hill as manager of the club, a new era began. Hill, who had fronted his own band since 1932, had become disenchanted with band-leading because of the rapa­cious habits of certain impresarios and he was only too willing to assume the responsibility of booking the musicians for the Playhouse. When he took over, the band in residence was a mainstreamish dixieland outfit led by Albert 'Happy' Caldwell, a tenor saxophonist from Chicago.

Teddy decided to replace Caldwell and, ironically, the man he picked to assemble a new group for the club was the man he had fired from his band a year or so earlier for being a wayward non-conformist: Kenny Clarke. The poetic justice of this was firmly emphasized by Klook when he recounted the story in the ensuing years. Kenny also said, in an interview with Francois Postif, that it was Dizzy Gillespie who was largely responsible for his being hired by Hill. 'Dizzy liked the way I played and recommended me - and Teddy had a great admiration for Diz.’


Kenny took over the musical direction of Minton's early in 1941:

It was a great success right from the beginning, because it was the ideal place for us. It had a bar, a back room with veiled lights, a podium for the musicians and little tables for the guests.

To begin with, I put together a quartet. I had wanted to have Dizzy on trumpet, but he was with Cab Calloway's band. So I hired another trumpet player who'd been with us in the Hill band: Joe Guy. He was twenty years old and playing a little bit like Dizzy. In the Hill band Dizzy had played both lead and solos, but when he wanted to save his lip, Joe would take some of his solos and almost unconsciously, I guess, he copied Dizzy's style.

Kenny's first choice for the piano chair was Sonny White - a man he described at the time as his favourite New York piano player and a very close friend.

I loved Sonny and the way he played and he was such a sweet person. We were so close he used to tell people that we were cousins. But Sonny at the time was Billie Holiday's accompanist and he loved that job so much that he didn't want to leave it. He was a tremendous piano player in the style of his idol, Teddy Wilson.

The man who got the gig on piano was twenty-four-year-old Thelonious Sphere Monk, who had previously been working with gospel groups on the church circuit. On bass, Kenny hired Nick Fenton, on the recommendation of his friend Joe Guy. Nick, a former violinist, appealed to Kenny because he had a flawless sense of time. 'I thought it was a pretty good combo/ Kenny said, 'and as we started working together it emerged that we all had much the same idea of the direction in which we wanted to take the music.’


Minton's had long been a favourite haunt of musicians and singers because of the twin attractions of its authentic soul food and its policy of welcoming sitters-in, and Kenny felt that the quartet could provide a perfect musical foundation for visiting soloists.

On Monday nights it was Teddy Hill's custom to offer an open-house welcome to members of the cast of the current show at the celebrated Apollo Theatre on nearby 125th Street, and they would come to feast on ham hocks, fried chicken, grits, black-eyed peas, barbecued ribs, hot biscuits and good bonded whiskey. They would also come to listen to the most stimulating and adventurous jazz music to be heard anywhere in New York at that time.

Though Teddy Hill, the bandleader, had been outraged at the unorthodox indiscretions of Dizzy and Klook, Teddy Hill the manager was delighted to make Minton's a nursery for the young lions who wanted to push back the frontiers of jazz.

Ralph Ellison wrote, in a 1959 article for Esquire,

It was Hill who established the Monday Celebrity Nights and who allowed the musicians free rein to play whatever they liked. Perhaps no other club, except Clark Monroe's Uptown House, was so permissive, and with the hospitality extended to musicians of all schools, the news spread swiftly. Minton's became the focal point for musicians all over the country.

At the beginning, musicians dropped in just to listen  - because the Kenny Clarke Quartet was pioneering some new ideas. Former members of Teddy Hill's band were regular visitors, as were the musicians from the bands which played the Apollo.
Minton's was open from 10 p.m. until four in the morning and Teddy Hill's open-house policy on Monday nights - an off-day for most musicians - was introduced on the basis that musicians who were allowed to come and eat for nothing would also be ready to play for nothing. And it proved to be a most successful policy. After supper, musicians would go to the bar to drink - paying this time - and listen to the music. And they would go up and jam with the quartet - if they were up to it.

When the Jay McShann band was playing at the Apollo, its twenty-year-old alto saxophonist started to be a regular cus­tomer. His name was Charlie Parker. He would come and eat fried chicken and then sit in. Recalling the arrival of Parker on the scene, Kenny Clarke said:

He was absolutely marvelous. Personally I never heard him play badly. And whenever we had any free moments, Monk and I would go to the Apollo, or to Monroe's Uptown House at 133rd Street and Seventh Avenue, to catch him. He played alto at that time like Lester Young played tenor - and we enjoyed that very much because it was a higher sound, more penetrating. Being in Kansas City, I think Charlie picked up a lot from Lester, particularly in the rhythmic sense  -  though he went a little further musically.


It was the same with Dizzy and Roy Eldridge. Dizzy had started out as a disciple of Roy's, but he wanted to make the style more musical, to put more music in the rhythm things than Roy did. Monk was also moving in that direction - so we formed a little clique, all working towards the same goals.

Charlie Parker had been jamming regularly at Monroe's Uptown House - working for tips - since he was eighteen. When he returned to his native Kansas City in 1939, he was hired by Jay McShann, with whose band he worked until July 1942. Parker was not a regular at Minton's in the early days of Klook's residency. But he came very much into the picture later - because Klook quickly recognized Bird as a musician of formidable stature with fresh and fearlessly innovative ideas totally concordant with his own.


Talking to Ross Russell about his first impressions of Charlie Parker, Klook said:

Bird was playing stuff we'd never heard before. He was into figures I thought I'd invented for drums. He was twice as fast as Lester Young and into harmony Lester hadn't touched. Bird was running the same way as we were, but he was way out ahead of us. I don't think he was aware of the changes he had created. It was his way of playing jazz, part of his own experience . . . We laid a few dollars on him and got him to move from Monroe's down to Minton's. Teddy Hill refused to put another man on the payroll, so we decided to pool our money and give him an allowance. I invited him to the pad I shared with Doc West, another drummer and a good cook. We set him up to meals. He could really eat. He was thin and half-starved. He was trying to live off the kitty at Monroe's.

The revolutionary task force was now complete and it was in the hyper-stimulating atmosphere for which Minton's became famous that, night after night, Kenny Clarke further developed the techniques with which he had started to experiment some ten years earlier.


Charlie Christian had been the first sitter-in to be co-opted into the sanctified inner circle of Minton's. He became a virtual resident of the Playhouse. In a little more than a year, the genius of this self-effacing, soft-spoken guitarist from Okla­homa had propelled him from relative obscurity to stardom with the Benny Goodman band. According to Kenny Clarke, Charlie was crazy about the Minton's rhythm section. The Playhouse provided an atmosphere and a freedom that was a complete contrast to working with the Goodman band and reading arrangements all the time. In that band he wasn't able to play the things he really wanted to play. At Minton's there was nothing written - everything was free and improvised, and Charlie was in his element. He was a very shy person and was not very close to the musicians in Benny's band. He didn't know New York and so he found Minton's a very welcome spot where he could relax and play what he wanted. 'Most of the time he just kept his amplifier in the Playhouse so that he could play with us every chance he got,' Kenny said.

It was Charlie Christian, said Kenny (quoted in Leonard Feather's From Satchmo to Miles), who first used the word 'bebop' to describe the musical style that was being fashioned night after night at Minton's. Kenny had an enormously high regard for Christian and he would probably have become a full-time member of the group had he not succumbed to chronic tuberculosis in February 1942 at the tragically young age of twenty-five.

And it was Charlie Christian who helped Kenny Clarke to create one of the first of the bebop originals. Kenny has recalled in several interviews how he and Christian were at the DouglasHotel on St Nicholas Avenue one day, visiting a friend who played ukulele.

I fooled around with the uke for a bit and then Charlie took it out of my hand and showed me how it was possible to make all kinds of chords 'by just stretching your fingers right'. He handed back the ukulele and I started experimenting. I got an idea that sounded good and went up to my room in the hotel and wrote it out. I called it 'Fly Right'. Later Monk helped develop the number and Joe Guy took the manuscript to Cootie Williams. Cootie had Bob McRae make an arrangement of it. Cootie used to play it at the Savoy Ballroom. It became his theme. He recorded it on Columbia.


In From Satchmo to Miles, Leonard Feather observes,

It was typical of the prevailing resistance to change that a recording of 'Fly Right' by Williams's band was not released until almost thirty years later after a researcher discovered it. Meanwhile Clarke had recorded it with a small group of his own in 1946 (for Charles Delaunay's Swing label) under its other title, 'Epistrophy'.

Identifying the precise authorship and evolution of licks, which became lines, which became compositions, is some­times a complex exercise, as in the case of 'Salt Peanuts'. French pianist Henri Renaud recalls a comparable tangle in connection with another Minton's opus:

In the early sixties I was playing with Kenny and Jimmy Gourley in the Blue Note. One night I started to play a tune I had heard on an Al Haig Prestige recording - 'Opus Caprice'. After the first few bars Kenny gave a big grin of recognition and said, 'Ah! "Pagin' Doctor Christian"! That was a piece Charlie wrote which we used to play at Minton's.'

Nowadays it is universally known as 'Rhythm-a-ning' and associated with Thelonious Monk. I once asked Al Haig where the tune came from and he said it was a traditional children's song. The first four bars of the song feature in Mary Lou Williams's arrangement of 'Walkin' and Swingin" for the Andy Kirk orchestra, recorded for Decca in 1936. Mary Lou was one of the first to discover Charlie Christian and it was she who recommended him to John Hammond.

It seems to me very possible that Thelonious Monk, who was the resident pianist at Minton's, used the first four bars of 'Pagin' Doctor Christian' in 'Rhythm-a-ning'. Klook's spontaneous reaction when I played the passage in the Blue Note that night showed that he recognized it as a Charlie Christian theme.

Another indispensable - and irrepressible - sitter-in with the modern-jazz minstrels of Minton's was, of course, John Birks Gillespie who, in 1941, was relieved of his duties in the Cab Galloway Orchestra after a stormy altercation with the leader - the famous spitball incident which is fully chronicled in Dizzy's autobiography, To be or not to Bop.


Dizzy became a regular at Minton's where the nightly jam sessions, as he says, 'were seedbeds for our new, modern style of music'. After acknowledging Thelonious Monk's contribu­tion to the bebop revolution in the harmonic and spiritual areas, Dizzy says:

It was Kenny Clarke who set the stage for the rhythmic content of our music. He was the first one to make accents on the bass drum at specific points in the music. He'd play 4/4 very softly, but the breaks, and the accents on the bass drum you could hear. Like, we called them dropping bombs.

The Minton's stage was no place for pretenders or fledgling musicians of a nervous disposition, because a most harrowing fate awaited those who failed to measure up: the withering, corrosive scorn of Thelonious Monk (so, at least, the legend has it). The men from Minton's were very much an elite corps who protected themselves against unwelcome sitters-in by working out themes that were too complex and intricate for run-of-the-mill players.

Recalling the Minton's era, Kenny Clarke said,

We didn't really play bebop then. You know how people in show business always put labels on things - just to sell them more. I can understand that - but we never wanted to be called beboppers, because what we did, we invented tunes and chords so that people we didn't want to play with us just couldn't get up on the bandstand. That's why we did that. Well, we had musicians from all over New York wanting to get in on the act and eighty per cent of them just couldn't play our music. And we sure didn't want to sit and sweat and back up somebody who wasn't doing anything to inspire us. It was important to our enjoyment of the music - and its development - only to have people playing with us who fitted in with what we were doing. So when we had unwelcome sitters-in we used to play different chords and things to discourage them.

Now, in the blues, they would maybe play four chords; Monk would play twenty chords and completely lose them. Sometimes he would say to them, 'Man, get off the stand - you're not playing right.' So the guy would say, 'But I thought we were playing the blues' - and Monk would scowl and say, 'That's not the way we play the blues here; we changed all that.' Monk could be very snide when he wanted to be - nothing fazed him. He'd say anything to anybody if he thought it right. So people were always excusing him - because he could be very outspoken. That's the way he was. If he had got his face broken every time he did something like that he would have been dead at twenty-one. Sometimes he was just plain insulting. 'Oh, man/ he'd say in disgust, 'you just can't play.' That was the way he would eliminate them. It was really a joke.


And quoted by Ross Russell in Bird Lives!, Kenny explained:

Pretty soon Minton's got to be a bad place for older cats. Dizzy began coming up regularly and that gave us the four key instruments - trumpet, alto, piano and drums. That, plus a good bass, was the band of the future. One night, after weeks of trying, Dizzy cut Roy Eldridge. It was one night out of many, but it meant a great deal. We closed ranks after that. To make things tough for outsiders, we invented difficult riffs. Some of our tunes used the 'A' part of one tune, like 'I Got Rhythm', but the channel came from something else, say 'Honeysuckle Rose'. The swing guys would be completely hung up on the channel. They'd have to stop playing.

Illinois Jacquet has recalled how Monk used to play in fiendish keys to discourage the less gifted musicians from staying too long on the stand, and it seems more than likely that such devices were employed in order to keep the music on a high and innovative level. In a 1968 interview with Crescendo contributor Les Tomkins, Kenny Clarke said:

Sometimes when we kept other players off the stand by deviating from the bar lines and so forth, it was done purposely and maliciously, I must say. But things like that must be done in order to accomplish a purpose you believe in. A great change had to be brought about. Jazz had undoubtedly reached stagnation point and it needed to move on to something more valuable and worthwhile - something comprehensive, but technically complicated - to raise standards of musicianship. That was the purpose entirely.

Reading the stories about the unceremonious treatment meted out to visiting musicians who couldn't quite cut it, it always seemed to me that this was somewhat out of character for Kenny Clarke, whose concern was always to help and encourage musicians to develop and to build their confidence. I have heard many stories about the way in which he gave young players and singers a chance to sit in with him, sometimes in the teeth of militant opposition from his fellow musicians.

And in an interview with Burt Korall, published in the 5 December 1963 issue of Down Beat, Kenny said, There's no truth to the story that we purposely played weird things to keep musicians outside the clique off the stand. All we asked was that the musician be able to handle himself. When he got up on that stand, he had to know….’

Contrast this statement with one Kenny gave to Leonard Feather: 'We'd play "Epistrophy" or "I've Got My Love to Keep Me Warm" just to keep the other guys off the stand, because we knew they couldn't make those chord changes. We kept the riffraff out and built our clique on new chords.’

The apparent inconsistency in Kenny's recollections is, I believe, not too difficult to explain. Such conflicting statements occur from time to time in Kenny Clarke interviews and, though partly explained by memory lapses are, in my view, more properly attributable to an inherent, deep-rooted desire in Kenny's psyche to emphasize the good-natured and whole­some side of life - just as he would do when recalling his childhood. I'm certain that, had it been left only to him - rather than to the abrasively critical Thelonious - there would not have been such a high casualty rate on the Minton's band­stand. The negative interpretation of Kenny's allowing Monk to do what he himself probably shrank from doing would be that Klook was wanting in moral courage. But anyone who knew Kenny Clarke would immediately torpedo that theory. It is simply that he had genuine compassion - and when recalling the Minton's days to Korall, he was almost certainly expressing a personal, not a collective, point of view.

On the other hand, many of the musicians I have talked to about Klook have indicated that he didn't suffer musical fools, impostors or incompetents gladly - not in any show of arrogance, but simply because of his total commitment to professionalism and his lifelong conviction that the customers were entitled to expect musicians to set themselves the highest standards of performance.

At all events, whatever the hazards that faced would-be sitters-in, there was no shortage of musicians eager to prove that they could hold their own with New York's jazz elite. Sometimes on the small Minton's stage there would be as many as twenty musicians jamming together.

The members of the clique were no respecters of reputa­tions. Sitters-in had to put up or shut up - and they included Chu Berry, Benny Carter, Coleman Hawkins, Johnny Hodges, Willie 'The Lion' Smith, Lucky Thompson, Ben Webster and Lester Young; Harry James, Hot Lips Page, Charlie Shavers and Cootie Williams - and the sixteen-year-old Miles Dewey Davis Jr, who was studying at Juilliard at the time; and Clyde Hart, Jess Stacy, Art Tatum, Mary Lou Williams and Tadd Dameron.


As Kenny Clarke told Leonard Feather many years later, 'Tadd was one of the first pianists playing eighth-note se­quences in the new legato manner. I heard him playing flatted fifths in 1940 and it sounded very odd to me at first.’

The Minton's stage was certainly no place for faint-hearts, but such was the wildfire excitement that the new music generated that even illustrious bandleaders put their reputa­tions at risk by sitting in with the resident clique - among them Duke, Count Basie, Andy Kirk, Artie Shaw and even Charlie Christian's boss, Benny Goodman.

One of the most persistent sitters-in at the Playhouse was a black saxophone player known simply as 'the Demon', whose principal claim to fame was that he was quite extraordinarily awful. Trumpeter Joe Wilder remembers the Demon:

He was the worst player ever to enter Minton's. He was horrible. When I used to go there, Eddie 'Lockjaw'Davis was more or less in charge of the band. The group would be playing away like mad and the Demon would take out his horn and stand sort of menacingly in front of the stage until, ultimately, one of the guys would say wearily, 'OK, Demon, come on up and play.' And the Demon would take the stage. But he didn't play one chorus. He played fifteen. Finally, Jaws would go in search of Teddy Hill who would hurry to the stand, stand in front of it with his arms folded and holler, 'Get off my goddam bandstand, Demon!' It became a standing joke.

Thelonious Monk's style of playing put a great deal of emphasis on accents and dynamics and this caused Kenny Clarke to modify his drumming approach:

I had to change my style to play with this clique. Monk's using accents and things made me play accents more myself, on the bass drum. And I needed to play lighter because we weren't using a straight beat. I couldn't play brushes all the time, so naturally I played the top cymbal and used the bass drum for punctuations. When people came into Minton's they'd say, 'Hey, listen to that drummer's accents on the bass drum; man, I never heard that before!'

Those formative years, it was a pattern that had to be perfected like anything else. But our unity of style came from our association; that was an unconscious thing. I have always believed that three or four musicians cannot play together if they dislike one another. But for us, we were great friends, we began to learn from each other. We developed a style and a co-ordination that had never previously existed. At Minton's we played traditional tunes like 'How High the Moon', 'Stomping at the Savoy', and things like that - they were popular in those days. But Monk was also composing a lot of pieces, and he made us play them. He would start out the tune and we had to follow. But he always liked to explain just what he was doing - he would run through the chords and melody with us.

The musicians we most liked to play with at Minton's were guys like Don Byas, Lester, Hot Lips Page, Diz, Bird, Freddie Webster, Tadd Dameron and Miles. Most of the musicians who played there were young -I was one of the oldest and I was still under thirty. You know, we hadn't really set out with the idea of developing any particular style of jazz. It just happened like that. When you think back, you tend to say, 'Well, those guys were really doing something!' But it was really unconscious.

Occasionally Kenny would take a break from the drums and play a set on vibraphone while Jack The Bear' Parker or Kansas Fields sat in. 'But,’ he said later, 'I gave up vibraphone after I heard Milt Jackson in 1945.'


Unhappily, very little of the potent music from those epic Minton's days was captured on record. While many of the visiting musicians recorded individually, away from the Play­house, the great spontaneous sessions themselves went largely unpreserved for posterity. However, in May 1941, as Ross Russell notes in Bird Lives!, a recording enthusiast, Jerry Newman, using a portable turntable, glass-based acetate discs and a cumbersome amplifier, began recording sessions at Minton's and Monroe's.

Writing of one of the tracks, 'Down on Teddy's Hill', Russell says, That Clarke was indeed the founder of the new percus­sion style is evident. One hears a forcing beat, a delicious complexity of polyrhythms, and an unusual awareness of the needs of the soloist.'

Some of the Minton's and Monroe's recordings were later issued on the Xanadu and Everest labels and feature, as well as the club regulars, Kermit Scott, Don Byas, Joe Guy, Hot Lips Page, Rudy Williams, Al Sears and Roy Eldridge. The repertoire is predominantly standard material - 'Sweet Georgia Brown', 'Stompin' at the Savoy', 'Indiana', 'The Sheik of Araby', 'Mean to Me', and so on - but there are also a couple of takes of 'Epistrophy'.

Of that whole band of rebels, renegades and kickers-over of musical traces, the most assiduously eccentric, without doubt, was Thelonious Sphere Monk. Talking about his memories of Minton's many years later, Kenny recalled:

After we finished work, Monk and I would head for the same subway station. He was living downtown on 61st Street and I was living uptown on 146th Street - so we took trains going in different directions. But it was torture for me every night because Monk would be very, very drunk. He would wait with me on my platform talking away for a few minutes, then he would cross the rails to catch his train on the opposite platform. And I was always afraid that he was going to connect with the electric rail and electrocute himself. But I guess God must look after drunken musicians, because Monk made it safely every night!

Although Minton's was, in Ross Russell's phrase, 'the bebop laboratory', its redoubtable regulars were not the only pioneers of the new music. Bud Powell and Max Roach made signal contributions, as did Fats Navarro. And when Charlie Parker was asked in 1953 to name the key founders of the new school he added Don Byas and Ben Webster. But unquestion­ably the most important of these was Bud Powell, even though he was not a participant in the early Minton's sessions. Dizzy Gillespie, in his autobiography, asserts categorically that Bud never played at Minton's - though Illinois Jacquet, in the same book, says he did. Kenny himself couldn't remember Bud at the Playhouse in the early days, but he recalled playing there with him in 1947. Certainly, Bud was a major contributor to the bebop revolution.


Without diminishing in any way the indispensable creative input to the new movement made by Charlie Parker, Charlie Christian, Dizzy Gillespie and Thelonious Monk, I believe it is fair to say that the parts played by Kenny Clarke and Bud Powell have been consistently underestimated by jazz writers. In the case of Bud Powell, his psychological problems were undoubtedly a major factor in his failing to achieve his due measure of recognition from writers and from the jazz public at large - although he was massively revered by his peers. In an interview with Francis Paudras in Paris in 1984, Kenny Clarke said, 'Bud and Charlie Parker were on the same level. Bud was as strong on his instrument as Charlie was on his -and after a while there was a sort of quarrel because Bud knew more about harmony than Bird. Charlie was always a little bit jealous of Bud.’ And Arthur Taylor, who worked with Bud Powell in 1952, told me in 1966:

Bud and Bird played a couple of two-week engagements at Birdland and they were always getting at each other. Bird would cut off Bud's solos and take the tune out, so Bud would hit back by only half-playing behind Bird. But Bud was the greatest ever as far as I am concerned . . . It's hard to play jazz piano without playing something Bud played; and if you don't play something he played, well you're not really playing jazz piano.

Paudras, admittedly a dedicated champion of Bud Powell, quotes musicians such as Sonny Stitt, Sonny Rollins, Paul Bley and Bill Evans as regarding Bud as a master - and Allen Eager as having been more impressed by Bud than Charlie Parker.

In Kenny Clarke's case, he had first of all to contend with the fact that drummers are popularly regarded as peripheral con­tributors to the evolution of jazz. The old line about a band consisting of 'fifteen musicians and a drummer' still has a disreputable currency. Kenny was additionally handicapped by his own modesty and humility which, though estimable human virtues, tend to militate against achieving a just level of celebrity. And both Kenny and Bud, having exiled themselves in Europe in the late fifties, were certainly victims of the 'out of sight, out of mind' rule.

According to Dizzy Gillespie, Kenny's role 'was just as important a contribution as mine or Charlie Parker's or Monk's.’


The last word on the subject I will leave to Kansas Fields, a contemporary of Kenny Clarke's and a one-time fellow exile in Paris, who recalled in a March 1986 interview published in Cadence magazine:

I used to tell Klook when they were bopping at Minton's, I said, 'Man, I'm waiting for you to make a mistake, 'cause it sounds like you're going to make a mistake - but you always come out.’ He said, That's bop for you, man, that's bebop!' They call him the father of bebop drums, and he was.”

Minton’s – The Reopening


© -Kia Gregory/The New York Times, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

1/6/2013

This old dive in Harlem has been shuttered for about as long as it had been open. Yet Minton’s Playhouse will always be known as the cradle of bebop, where the likes of Dizzy Gillespie, Thelonious Monk and Charlie Parker jammed into the night.

Efforts to reopen Minton’s Playhouse on West 118th Street, which first closed in the 1970s, have sputtered.

Minton’s Playhouse had a brief resurgence several years ago. The new owner hopes to add Southern cooking on fine china to the listener’s experience.

Money woes long ago left the doors locked and the electric blue marquee on West 118th Street dark.

But on a recent frigid morning, there were signs of life, a steady beat with far-reaching reverberations: hammering inside by construction workers, and a public hearing notice for a liquor license taped to the window.

The applicant is Harlem Jazz Enterprises L.L.C., led by the businessman Richard D. Parsons, who played trumpet growing up in Bedford-Stuyvesant, Brooklyn; headed two Fortune 500 companies, Citicorp and Time Warner; and has always wanted to open a jazz spot in Harlem. “I love jazz,” Mr. Parsons said in an interview. He recalled the snappy supper clubs of the 1950s and ’60s, when good music and good food made uptown “something special.”

“And you must know the whole story,” he continued. “I took my senior prom date to a place called the Hickory House, and we heard Billy Taylor. And I still remember it. It was my first adventure in being a grown up, to listen to some good jazz.”

Mr. Parsons said such clubs had disappeared. “They have some jazz venues,” he said. “But most of them you wouldn’t go to eat. And the elegance has kind of left the building.” His aim, he said, “is to try to create that feel.”

Recently, there has been a turnover of jazz clubs in Harlem. The popular St. Nick’s Pub, which opened in the ’60s, shut down in 2011 after the police raided it for not having a liquor license. The site of the well-known Lenox Lounge began the new year with a new owner, Richard Notar, a former managing partner in the Nobu restaurant chain. The previous owner of the Lenox Lounge, who has trademark rights to the name, plans to open a new venue on Lenox Avenue.

Efforts to revive Minton’s Playhouse have sputtered.


Henry Minton, a tenor saxophonist, opened the club in the late 1930s on the first floor of the CecilHotel. About 40 years later, it closed and the city seized the property from the landlord, Cecil Hotel Corporation, for back taxes. In 1987, the city handed it to the Harlem Community Development Corporation, which made Housing and Services Inc., a nonprofit, low-income housing developer, the landlord. The building became an apartment complex for formerly homeless adults.

In the mid-1990s, a group of investors that included Robert De Niro and the restaurateur Drew Nieporent was interested in the Minton’s Playhouse space, as was Quincy Jones. In 2006, the jazz club impresario Earl Spain, after leaving St. Nick’s Pub, reopened Minton’s, only to see it close in 2010.

The difference this time, Mr. Parsons said, was capital. “That’s the bottom line,” he added. “People have not put capital in upgrading these venues, and making them competitive with other venues in town. There’s no question that people can’t wait for Minton’s to open. But no one is going to sit in a place that essentially is in its down-on-the-heels, 1950s version of itself.”

If all goes according to plan, in June, Mr. Parsons — in concert with the celebrity restaurateur Alexander Smalls, a longtime friend, as executive chef — will unveil two “brother-and-sister restaurants,” sharing one kitchen, along this dull stretch of West 118th Street. Minton’s Playhouse will reopen in its original location, in the hotel’s old dining room; a new dinner club will open on the building’s St. Nicholas Avenue storefront. Mr. Parsons said that for now he was using his own money to make the clubs happen.

Curtis Archer, president of the Harlem Community Development Corporation, said, “After some false starts, we’re really pumped for this to happen.” He added, “There is really nothing there,” referring to that side of St. Nicholas Avenue.

Minton’s will be a jazz house, with echoes of a bygone era. The menu will feature Mr. Smalls’s brand of Southern revival cooking, served on fine china. And the music will run from smooth, classic jazz to hard-charging bebop after dark. The Cecil will be a lighter, noisier Afro-Asian-American brasserie, Mr. Smalls said, celebrating foods from the African Diaspora.

“You have the most important elements in many ways of the African-American experience, — the jazz, the food, our social sensibilities, our creativity, our liveliness,” Mr. Smalls said. “It’s all in this fantastic corner on 118th Street and St. Nick’s.”

The plan is also, with the help of local organizations and nonprofit groups like their landlord, to use the restaurants to develop a hospitality training program, a job-readiness program for young African-American chefs and a community food program. “The important thing to do,” Mr. Smalls said, “is make this business, and make it sustainable, so we can be an instrument in supporting the community.”

For now, Mr. Parsons is already imagining the house band. Now retired, Mr. Parsons, the former chairman of Citicorp and the former chairman and chief executive of Time Warner, is also chairman of the board of the Jazz Foundation of America, which helps support older jazz musicians. “There’s all these old jazz musicians that still live uptown that the Jazz Foundation looks after,” he said. “And these guys, if they could get a gig, they would.

“And, if Alexander gets his groove on with his cooking,” he added, “we can’t miss.”

Julian "Cannonball" Adderley - Jump for Joy

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.



“Long a critically undervalued figure, Cannonball Adderley's status as a master communicator in jazz has increased since his sadly early death. The blues-soaked tone and hard, swinging delivery of his alto lines are as recognizable a sound as anything in the aftermath of bebop and, while many have been quick to criticize his essentially derivative manner - Cannonball frequently fell back on cliches, because he just liked the sound of them - there's a lean, hard-won quality about his best playing that says a lot about one man's dedication to his craft.”
- Richard Cook and Brian Morton, The Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.


Our late friend, Jack Tracy produced some terrific recordings during his tenure with Emarcy and Mercury Records.


One of my all-time favorites is alto saxophonist Julian “Cannonball” Adderley’s Plays The Score from Duke Ellington’s Jump for Joy [Emarcy Hi-Fi, Mercury MG 31146].


The music from this LP was combined with Bob Shad’s production of Julian Cannonball Adderley with Strings [Emarcy Hi-Fi, Mercury MG-36003] when it was released on CD by Verve in 1995 [[314 528 699-2].


The Jump for Joy session that Jack supervised was issued in 1958 a year during which Cannonball began to work with trumpeter Miles Davis in a sextet that also featured tenor saxophonist John Coltrane. What a front line!


Jack was based in Chicago at the time of this recording as was trombonist, composer, and arranger Bill Russo who had relocated to his home town after spending four years with Stan Kenton’s Orchestra.


As Michael Ullman states in his insert notes to the CD version of Julian “Cannonball” Adderley Plays The Score from Duke Ellington’s Jump for Joy:
“Russo was chosen as the arranger for the record, and he found himself writing for a topnotch Jazz band that included, besides a string quartet, the veteran trumpeter Emmett Berry and a rhythm section of pianist Bill Evans, guitarist Barry Galbraith, bassist Milt Hinton and drummer Jimmy Cobb.” Russo knew just what to do with the musicians by making the string quartet part of the band and thereby avoiding many of the cliches of pop arranging ….”


I couldn’t agree more with Michael's assessment.


Here are the imminent Jazz critic Leonard Feather’s liner notes to the original LP which also underscore many of the recording’s highlights and include an excellent overview of Jump for Joy, one of Duke Ellington’s earliest, extended compositions.




© -Leonard Feather, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“In an environment that now produces as many new jazz albums a month as appeared, not so long age, in a year, the search for originality both in material and content becomes a matter of increasing urgency for artist and employer alike. The present album is one of those rare, exceptional cases in which both the idea and its execution are conspicuously and valuably original.


Some months ago Mercury's Jack Tracy was discussing with Julian (Cannonball) Adderley his desire to do something with the alto soloist that would involve an original instrumentation and a writer who could provide some challenging material. The idea evolved of using a string quartet as a chief component of Cannonball's setting.


When the selection of tunes for this unusual combination was discussed, Tracy said: "Instead of just a lot of originals or unrelated standards, let's try to get some relative factor, something that will tie all the tunes together." Both he and Cannonball agreed that it would be better to avoid any of the more obvious solutions, such as a hackneyed current Broadway show, or even Cannonball Plays Cole Porter. It was then that Julian came up with the idea. "Let's do the tunes from Jump For Joy," he said.


All this happened in the summer of 1958. It was by sheer coincidence that early in 1958 Jump For Joy was disinterred and, in a modernized format, came to life as the Ellington band took part in its production at Copa City in Miami, Florida.


This was the first anyone had heard of Jump For Joy in almost two decades. To get a full perspective it is necessary to flash back to 1941. Duke Ellington, who understandably felt that Porgy And Bess was "not the music of Catfish Row or any other kind of Negroes," wanted to produce an honest Negro musical that would eliminate the old stereotypes and caricatures. It was to be a hip show, a show in which the language and the costumes, the singing and the dancing, would be authentic.


Jump For Joy made its bow soon after, at the Mayan theater in Los Angeles. In the cast were Dorothy Dandridge, a teenager only recently out of the Dandridge Sisters trio act; Marie Bryant, a subtle dancer and comedienne; Joe Turner, the veteran blues singer, uniformed as a policeman for a sketch called Ssh! He's On The Beat!; Herb Jeffries and the late Ivie Anderson, Duke's vocalists; and many more. With Duke's band playing the score, it was an intelligent, sophisticated show. Lyrics and sketches contributed by such writers as Paul Francis Webster and Sid Kuller insured a consistently high level of taste and wit.



The keynote for the whole production was struck with the title song, which many of us have heard Ray Nance sing in the years between: ‘Fare thee well, land of cotton/cotton lisle is out of style, honey chile,/Jump for joy!/ Don't you grieve, little Eve/All the hounds, I do believe/ have been killed, ain't you thrilled?/Jump for joy!’ And the lyrics went on to point out that Green Pastures was just a technicolor movie, and that new groovy pastures were now on the scene.


It has been said, many times, that Jump For Joy when it first reached the public was far above the heads of much of its audience, despite the profusion of warmth and wit, of lyrical humor and musical pleasure. The Los Angeles Tribune described it as new and exciting, yet "gawky and unaware of its real charm as an adolescent. It's a new mood in the theater, reflecting truly the happy satire of colored life. In Jump For Joy Uncle Tom is dead. God rest his bones."


Yet Jump For Joy had a run of less than three months and never got to Broadway. Barry Ulanov, in his book Duke Ellington, recalls that it "left enough of an impression so that most of those who saw it and are concerned with a vigorous and honest Negro theater continually refer to it as the Negro musical. It was probably the only employment of colored singers and dancers and comedians which really didn't lapse into crude caricature of the Negro at some point, which didn't pander to the white man's distorted idea ... it was ahead of its time and presented on the wrong coast of America for theatrical success, but it made its valorous point."


Though there was no storyline to the show, it was true to the life of the people it depicted. As Ulanov wrote, "Here was a happy show which still had dignity. Duke had done what he'd always wanted to do."


Luckily the legacy of Jump For Joy included a number of songs that have become jazz standards. The familiar melodies are included in this set, along with several that were engulfed in obscurity right after the show's demise.


Bill Russo's writing having decorated the music stands of every group from the Stan Kenton orchestra to the New York Philharmonic (for which he was commissioned by Leonard Bernstein to write a special work), it comes as no surprise that the challenge of this session was boldly and successfully met. The string quartet at times gains an extra voice through the use of the bass as a fifth part. The muted horn of Emmett Berry, jazz veteran of the old Fletcher Henderson, John Kirby, and Count Basic orchestras, is heard as a leading voice over the strings at several points. Another attractive tonal combination is the use of alto saxophone over pizzicato viola, cello, and bass, employed on Nothin’ and Brownskin Gal. The strings at times are used percussively; in Bli-Blip their finger tremolos have an impact comparable with that of the "shakes" of a brass section.


Of the three tunes that will be unfamiliar to most listeners, Two Left Feet contains perhaps the most graceful and fluent Adderley ad libbing of the entire album; If Life Were All Peaches and Cream is noteworthy, among other factors, for the use of harmonics toward the end; Hickory Stick makes effective continuity out of both verse and chorus.


But to go into further technicalities would serve merely to delay what the radio announcers used to call "your listening pleasure"; it would also distract your attention from the main point, which is that the overall sound of these sides is unlike anything either Adderley or Russo has ever done before.


The blending of the personalities of these two, with a too-often-neglected Ellington score as their point of contact, has produced a set of performances that gains in interest with every hearing, and it is to their many ingenious and subtle nuances, rather than to any analysis that we may make of them, that your attention is recommended.


Leonard Feather -(Author of The Book Of Jazz: Horizon)


I have selected The Tune of the Hickory Stick from Jump for Joy as the soundtrack on the following video simplybecause Cannonball swings his backside off on it.  

Jazz from Pittsburgh

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


The following discourse on Jazz musicians congregating in and emanating from a particular city is one that could have be written about any number of places during the halcyon days of the music from about 1925-1975.


San Francisco, Los Angeles, Detroit, Philadelphia, Kansas City and many other cities joined with New Orleans, Chicago and New York as primary incubators of the music during the height of its urbanity.


For whatever reason/s, Pittsburgh is often left off the list of those cities that contributed significant artistic talent to Jazz’s growth and development.


The following piece is intended to redress that oversight and is adapted from -


The Pittsburgh Connection
November 1999 edition of The Jazzletter
Gene Lees, editor


“Scratch any Pittsburgh jazz musician, and what you get is not blood but an exudation of civic pride. These folk are what I wryly think of as the Pittsburgh nationalists, and they will immediately rattle off a list of significant players born in their native city:


Roy Eldridge, Billy May, Billy Strayhorn, Billy Eckstine, Ahmad Jamal, Kenny Clarke, Art Blakey, Roger Humphries (who still lives there), Erroll Garner, Steve Nelson, Mary Lou Williams, Eddie Safranski, Bob Cooper, Paul Chambers, Ray Brown, and George Benson. The film composer Jerry Fielding was born there.


Some of the natives stretch it a little by including Henry Mancini in their home-boy list, but he was actually born in Cleveland and spent his childhood in West Aliquippa. But then that is a sort of suburb of the city, and he did study music in Pittsburgh, so perhaps we should let them get away with it.


"Gene Kelly was from Pittsburgh," said my friend John Heard, the bassist and artist, "and so were Maxine Sullivan, Oscar Levant, Andy Warhol, Gertrude Stein, Adolf Menjou, Dick Powell, William Powell, Michael Keaton, and Shirley Jones. Lena Home's father was the numbers king in Pittsburgh. Shall I keep going?"


Sorry I asked.


The disinterested observer could make a pretty good case for Philadelphia as a hothouse for jazz players, and Donald Byrd would run a number on you about the importance of Detroit and Cass Tech. Then there's Chicago, with Dusable High, and Brooklyn and for that matter Manhattan. Even poor oft-denigrated Los Angeles, and Jefferson High, produced a lot of great jazz players.


But of Pittsburgh: "I think it must be something in the water," said Tony Mowad of radio station WDUQ, the Duquesne University public broadcasting station. He's been a jazz disc jockey for thirty-five years. Tony is a native, needless to say.


"Sammy Nestico is from Pittsburgh," I was reminded by trombonist Grover Mitchell, now the leader of the beautifully reconstituted Count Basic band (about which more in the next issue). The touch of pride in his voice is the give-away: Grover too is from Pittsburgh.


Stanley Turrentine reminded me of another native: "A lot of guys are asleep on Dodo Marmarosa. He was a great piano player. He could play"


Stanley was one of three Turrentine brothers born in Pittsburgh. The youngest, drummer Marvin, never got the chance to make a national name for himself. He was killed in Viet Nam. The oldest of the three (there were also two sisters) made a very large international name: trumpeter, arranger, and composer Tommy Turrentine.


"He died three years ago, May 11, 1996," Stanley said. Cancer Tommy was sixty-nine. Somebody should run a statistical survey on the incidence of cancer in jazz musicians, who have spent their lives inhaling sidestream nightclub smoke.

John Heard said: "Tommy was a monster trumpet player, and he was a hell of an educator When musicians came to town, they had to pass what we called the Turrentine test, the jam sessions at Local 471. He was the guy all us kids used to go out and watch."


Tommy was Thomas Turrentine Jr. The father, Thomas Turrentine, had played saxophone with the Pittsburgh Savoy Sultans. But Stanley was born in the dark of the Depression, April 5, 1934, and his father was then working as a construction laborer. "My mother cleaned people's houses," Stanley said.


John Heard believes that a proliferation of artistic creativity, including dance, occurred in Pittsburgh for a simple reason: money. The immense amounts of money invested in the school system, the Carnegie Library, the Pittsburgh Symphony, in museums, galleries, and concerts, meant that children were exposed early and heavily to their influences. Few cities in America have enjoyed the lavish artistic endowments of Pittsburgh.


I passed John's theory on to Stanley.


"John's right," Stanley said. "Oh yeah. The arts were a priority. You had to take some kind of music appreciation class — which they've cut out now — and they'd furnish you with instruments. A lot of guys who came up with me, if it hadn't been for the school system in Pittsburgh, they wouldn't be playing today. They wouldn't have been able to afford a saxophone or trumpet. The schools had all those instruments that you could use. If you played saxophone, you could take the horn home and practice until the end of the semester


"The teachers there were excellent. I remember a teacher named Nero Davidson, a cellist. He played for the Pittsburgh Symphony. He was my high-school teacher He looked at my hands and said, 'You've got great hands for cello.' I played cello for half a semester But I didn't practice, because I was playing saxophone. I had good ears. I muddled through that. I'd go home and put the cello in the corner and grab the saxophone.


"We had all kinds of activities, there were art classes, and bands. My first band was called Four Bees and a Bop. I used to play for proms and basketball games. After the basketball games, they'd assemble in the gym and have a dance. It gave guys a chance to play.


"Oh I just wanted to play music. I wasn't exactly that big on school. Only reason I went to school was for lunch and band."


Pittsburgh was long viewed with a certain condescension as one of the blighted cities of America. The steel industries that generated all that money also fouled the air with so much smoke that, at times, streetlights would have to be turned on at midday, and at night the skies were orange with the light of coke ovens and Bessemer converters. Henry Mancini remembered that the first snowfalls would render everything white and lovely, but almost immediately the snow would turn black with soot and fly-ash.


The steel industry is long gone, the great mills lie idle and rusting. The air is clean. And Pittsburgh, which now thrives on high-tech and medical industries, is revealed as one of the most beautiful cities in America, its center on a sharp triangle where the Monongahela and Allegheny rivers meet to form the Ohio. Carnegie Mellon University is one of the country's best training-grounds for the arts, particularly drama, and saxophonist Nathan Davis heads the jazz department at the University of Pittsburgh. (He is an interloper, a native of Kansas City.)


The city is developing a vigorous little movie industry, and often one spots the city's dramatic backdrops in pictures. There are good images of Pittsburgh in the 1993 Bruce Willis cop movie, Striking Distance, and in the bizarre 1992 black comedy Innocent Blood, in which Robert Loggia plays a Mafia don who gets turned into one of the undead when he is bitten by a beautiful and sweet-natured French vampire. Weird picture; good views of Pittsburgh. Both films were made on location.


John Heard says Pittsburgh has "the mentality of a coal miner with culture."


Interesting town, and it seems to live in a curious cultural cocoon, separate from the rest of the country. If it were a person, I would say: It knows who it is. And doesn't care whether you do.


"When I was coming up, man," Stanley said, "there was just so much music. It was always music. Even in elementary school. Ahmad Jamal talks about Mr. James Miller. He was a piano teacher Ahmad used to take lessons from him.


"My father started me playing. I used to take lessons off Carl Alter. He was a great teacher He's a piano player now, but he was a saxophone player then."


Given that all five of the Turrentine children, including the two sisters, were given music lessons, I told Stanley that in almost every case of people, men and women alike, who have made successes in music, there seems to be a background of family support for this most uncertain of enterprises. Consider the Jones boys, Hank, Thad, and Elvin. Or the Sims boys, Zoot, Ray, and Gene; the Candolis, Pete and Conte; The Swope brothers, Earl and Rob; the Heaths, Percy, Jimmy, and Albert, and so many more.


Nodding, Stanley said, "I had my daddy's horn, a 1936 Buescher, which he gave me. That was the best horn I ever had.


"That was when I was at Herron Hills Junior High.


"We were poor. But we didn't know it. When I'd come home from school, I'd have to practice. During dinner, we would be talking about bands and musicians. It was always about music.


"The radio was our entertainment. We had games. If we were listening to Duke or Basie or Woody Herman or Benny Goodman, Paul Whiteman, all those guys, we'd have little tests. My dad would say, 'Who's playing trombone? Who's playing third trumpet? Who's playing first alto?'


"My father would take me to concerts like Jazz at the Philharmonic. And I'd walk within a radius of three blocks and hear about four bands, trios, quartets. There was always music in the neighborhood. And as soon as they took all the music out of the neighborhoods, I mean, it just ... ." His voice trailed off in a resigned eloquent silence. Then he resumed:


"And we used to exchange records. We used to trade the Charlie Parkers, Dizzy, Don Byas, Wardell Gray. We just listened to music all the time.


"I knew I was going to play music when I was seven. My mother said I'd hear something on the radio and I'd sit down at the piano and start playing it by ear.


"Ray Brown used to come by the house. Joe Harris, the drummer out of Pittsburgh who played with Dizzy's first big band, was around.
"I remember just as clear when Ray Brown came by and got Tommy, my brother, and took him on the road for the first time with Snookum Russell's band. Joe Harris was in that band also. It was a great band.


"When I was growing up, we had an eighteen-piece band. It was Pete Henderson's band. My brother did a lot of arranging for it. We'd hear Dizzy's arrangement of, let's say, Emanon, Manteca, and somebody would write it out.


"I was listening too. My father's favorite saxophone players
were Coleman Hawkins, Chu Berry, Lester Young, Charlie Parker, Don Byas."
I said, "I have often thought Don Byas is still under-rated."


"Oh, you better believe it! I've got his picture in my office at home, beautifully framed. You know, I had the privilege of meeting him, after he came from Europe. He was playing with Art Blakey. He came to a friend of mine's, a lieutenant colonel retired. He was a big jazz fan named Bick Ryken. When I worked in Washington at the Bohemian Caverns, we would hang out.


"We went to his house, me and Don Byas, and just talked and listened to music until the wee hours of the morning. He was a great man. I was just in awe of him. The technique! He was really sick by then, and about two weeks after that he died.

"He said a lot of profound things to me that night. He felt that he made a mistake in going to Europe and staying for over thirty years. He was one of the first guys. He felt that he wasn't getting the respect here that he got over there. But he said that as he thought about it, he felt the battle was here, and he could have been a bigger influence. Don said to me that he should have made his career here. And over there he became like a local musician, and that was it.


"He was a tremendous player So many people came from him. Lucky Thompson and Benny Golson are very similar to his style of playing.


"I had all kinds of idols. Illinois Jacquet. Coleman Hawkins. Lester Young. But I wouldn't dare try to play Sonny Rollins. I wouldn't dare try to play their thing. Because ... it ain't me.


"My father told me, Put this solo on.' I'd try to play this Lester Young solo, and I'd get so frustrated. Oh man, I'd want to play it note for note. I'd try to play a Wardell Gray solo exactly. I might play the notes, but it didn't sound like Wardell.


"My father sat down and told me, 'Stanley, let me tell you something: I have yet to hear a musician that can play everything. This is a big world. There's a lot of music out there. If you look within yourself, you'll find a lot of music.'
"That kind of calmed me down. It got me out of that 'I want to be a star. Like Lester.'"


"Well your friend from Pittsburgh, Ray Brown, said, 'Nobody does everything best.'"


"No! It's impossible," Stanley said. "Look within yourself, you'll find a lot of things, that's what my father told me. That cooled me out. I'm not afraid of playing myself. As a matter of fact, that's the only way I can play."


My several days of conversation with Stanley began by happenstance in the middle of the night at a ship's rail. It was in October, aboard the S.S. Norway, on its most recent jazz cruise of the Caribbean. I was out on the balcony of my cabin, contemplating a stunning silver path of light across calm waters to-a low-hanging full moon. The rows of cabins on that top deck are separated into private units by gray plastic partitions. I was leaning on the rail, awed by the moon's display. Someone came out onto the adjacent porch, a big man, and he too stood staring at the moon. I said, "Good morning." Or maybe he did. And we introduced ourselves.


He said, "I'm Stanley Turrentine."


For whatever reason, I had never met him before, although I had certainly enjoyed his playing, big-toned, bluesy, powerful, almost forbidding. He is like that physically, too: tall, big-shouldered and big-chested. But often men of imposing physique and bearing seem to feel no need to prove manhood, and are notably gentle, even sweet, men. Stanley seems to fit that mold. John Heard, chuckling, said, "Tommy was a wild man. Stanley was much quieter."


In the course of the next few days, Stanley and I talked several times, and I repeatedly heard his current quartet, which is superb. Sometimes the conversations were in his room, sometimes on the balcony. Ahmad Jamal was in the room on the other side of mine.


"Ahmad and my brother were very good friends," Stanley said. "I'd come from school, and Ahmad would be practicing on our piano."


I asked Stanley how he came to break out of Pittsburgh, to become one of its famous expatriates.


"That was back in the Jim Crow days. At that time, Lowell Fulsome, blues guitarist, had a band. Ray Charles was the pianist and vocalist. The secretary of the union, local 471 -- separate union — called me and said they were looking for a saxophone. I was about sixteen-and-a-half years old. I decided to go.
"My Mama cried, 'Oh Stanley!' I said, 'Oh Mama, I don't wanna make you cry. This is just something I have to do.' I made sure my father wasn't there that day! He was at work. He probably would have deterred me from going. I felt that, anyway.

"I just got on the bus and left home, went on the road. We headed straight down south. It was bad."


"Woody Herman hated the south," I said.


"Well there were a lot of reasons back in those days," Stanley said. "You knew that, literally, our lives were in danger. Just for playing music. A guy put a forty-four in my face. Drunk. He said, 'Can you play the blues?'"


He laughed. "That's why I play the blues today, I think!" His laugh grew larger: "'Can you play the blues?''Yes, sir!' I'm still here, so obviously I could play the blues."


How anybody can laugh at such a memory is beyond me, but I've heard that kind of laughter from Clark Terry and Dizzy Gillespie and so many others, and I am always amazed.


Stanley said, "I was the youngest guy in the band. We had what we called a flexible bus -- held together by bailing wire and chewing gum. It broke down every hundred miles or so. We'd see a lot of strange things. We'd pull over and somebody would be hanging in a tree.


"You'd run into all kinds of crazy rules. You'd have to step off the sidewalk and walk in the gutter if some white people were walking toward you. You couldn't eat in restaurants. You couldn't stay in the hotels. We had rooming houses — sometimes! If you wanted to eat something, they had places 'For Colored Only.' It was outside the restaurant. They didn't even give you a menu. You had to eat out there. Lynchings were commonplace.


"Some of the places, even up north — I call it Up South — it was no different.


"We'd see some of these horrors. And you'd get up on the bandstand, and release it. You'd go through some trying thing. And Ray Charles would sing the blues, sing whatever he's thinking about. He doesn't say a word about what the incident was. But it's there. That was part of the experience that I had.


"How serious that bandstand is to me. It's like a safe haven to me. You get up on that bandstand, and it's very serious. That's what I tell the kids in the workshops I do. That bandstand is what we love to do. That's the way we express ourselves. I say, 'It's not the bandstand, it's getting to the bandstand.' With the little dues I paid, I can imagine what Lester and Coleman Hawkins and all those guys had to go through, 'way worse than it was for me.


"I tell the younger cats, 'Hey, man, you didn't research it. Listen to these cats. They've got some experiences. They're not in books. You can't write this stuff down. It's in the way they play. They play the pains of their experiences. You'll never get that experience. And those cats probably couldn't explain it even to themselves. I know I couldn't, because you want to forget a lot of the things you had to go through just to play music, to express yourself.


"But, you know, the good side is that it teaches you to admire things. And it teaches you not be afraid to express yourself. A lot of guys today, they want to copy all this, too much of that. They're great musicians. But you don't hear any stylists. They read, they've got all the blackboard knowledge, but you hear one piano player, or one trumpet player, they're all playing the same thing — to me. You can't distinguish one from another.


"After that job, I came back to Pittsburgh. I didn't want my mother and father to see me without money. Sometimes we went on gigs and the promoter left with the money. I went through all of the usual stuff. I wouldn't go home until I had something new or some present for them, to try to show them: 'See, Mom, I'm doin' okay.'


"I stayed in Pittsburgh for a while, working around in bands. Then me and my brother moved to Cleveland. He started working with Gaye Cross. Coltrane was with the band. I was working in a band with Foots Thomas. And then I used to occasionally get some gigs with Tadd Dameron. Nobody wrote like him. He had a quartet or quintet. Then 'Trane left Cleveland and went with Earl Bostic, and later when he went with Johnny Hodges, he recommended me to Bostic. We traveled the chittlin' circuit. Walking the bar, and entertaining the people."


I mentioned that Benny Golson had described walking the bar, and said that his friend John Coltrane did it too.


"Everybody did it," Stanley said. "You did if you wanted to work! That was part of it. You had to entertain the people. I stayed with Earl for three years and then came home, and about two years after that I had to go into the army. I was in the 158th Army band for two years, stationed at Fort Knox, Kentucky."


"Weren't Cannonball Adderley and Junior Mance in that band?"


"Not in that band. They were in it before me. Nat Adderley had been in that band too. And then, when I got out of the Army, in 1958, Max Roach was playing in Pittsburgh at the Crawford Grill. He had Art Davis on bass, and Julian Priester, and George Coleman, and I can't remember who the trumpet player was. The trumpet player, and George Coleman, and Art Davis left the band. Max had to replace them. He called my brother, and my brother suggested me and Bobby Boswell, another bass player out of Pittsburgh. And we joined Max. That's when I really got national and international acclaim. We played in New York, we traveled to Europe, we started making records.


"I stayed with Max about two years. So I got on the New York scene. I got married and had my first child, Sherry, in 1959. I left Max and went to Philadelphia. My wife was from Philadelphia. We moved to a section of Philadelphia called Germantown.

"Jimmy Smith, the organist, lived about two doors down. One day I was coming out the door, and he was coming out his door, and he said, 'Hey, man, you wanna make a record?' Just like that. I'd known him for quite a while. When he'd come to Pittsburgh, I'd come and play with him. We got to be pretty good friends. I just jammed with him and hung out with him at the time. So when he said, 'You wanna make a record?' I said, 'Yeah.'


"We jumped in his car, and went up to Rudy Van Gelder's in Englewood Cliffs in New Jersey and recorded. He had built the new studio by then."


"And you couldn't smoke in it," I said.


Stanley said, "Well you could smoke in the studio, but you couldn't smoke in the control room."


"I asked Rudy why, and he said that that stuff gets into the equipment. And of course it does. If you smoke, look at the windshield of your car and imagine what gets into your lungs."


"You couldn't smoke there," Stanley said, "and you couldn't touch nothing.


"He didn't have an assistant, as engineers usually do. He did everything. He'd have an eighteen-piece band, he did the whole thing.


"Well we went up to Rudy's and made a recording. It was called Midnight Special, and it was a hit for Jimmy. I made about five albums in that period.


"Then Alfred Lion approached me. He wanted to record me. I started recording with Blue Note and stayed about fifteen years. They've put those records out on CD now. The only way I found out was from a little kid. I was playing a festival in California. I think it was at Long Beach. A kid came up to me with about ten CDs. He said, 'Oh, Mr. Turrentine! Would you autograph these — your new CDs?' And I looked at them, and there were things from 1960, 1964. But they were new to that kid."


I said, "And you're put in the position of being in competition with yourself. Your old records are competing with your new records."


"You know what? I don't mind that," Stanley said.


"So long as you get your royalties."


"They have to give them to you, if you know. But they're not going to let you know. You have to find out."


"In the immortal words of Henry Mancini, 'Do not ask and ye shall not receive.'
"Receive," Stanley said in unison. "Right. So you have to watch. I've got a great entertainment lawyer.


"So they released this stuff, and this kid came to me, and the records were new to him."


The professional association that followed his period with Max Roach would prove to be one of the longest of Stanley's life; and it became personal as well: that with organist Shirley Scott, whom he married.


"I was living in Philadelphia," Stanley said. "Just finished a record date with Jimmy Smith. Lockjaw Davis had left Shirley's trio. Arthur Edgehill was on drums. I replaced Lockjaw.


"My relationship with Shirley lasted for thirteen years — and three children, three daughters. We got together in 1960. We traveled all over.


"Shirley recorded for Prestige and I was recording for Blue Note. Sometimes I would be on her record. My name would be Stan Turner. When she recorded with me, she would be Little Miss Cotton."


(Two of these collaborations with Shirley Scott are available on Prestige CDs: Soul Shoutin', PRCD-24142-2, and Legends of Acid Jazz, PRCD-24200-2. Prestige is now part of the Fantasy group. Stanley also recorded for Fantasy for a time, starting in 1974. Three albums are available on that label: Pieces of Dreams, OJCCD-831-2, Everybody Come on Out, OJCCD-911-2, and The Best of Mr. T, FCD-7708-2.)


"Oh man, Shirley was phenomenal," Stanley said. "She was very serious about the organ and about music. She had her own way of approach. We had a great time.
"After Shirley — that was 1971 — I started to record for Creed Taylor at CTI."


That association began at a dark time in Stanley's life. He and Shirley had been divorced. He was facing some financial reverses. And he had no record contract. One day the phone rang. A man's voice said that this was Creed Taylor. He wanted to know whether Stanley might be interested in recording for his label, CTI. With an inner sigh, Stanley said yes, and Creed asked if Stanley could come to his office next day for a meeting.


I checked with Creed about that first encounter Creed said he was nervous about meeting Stanley, assuming, as we are all prone to do, that the music reflected the personality of the man. Creed had been listening a lot to the Blue Note records. Creed said:


"He's completely individual. It's the voice of Stanley Turrentine, and nobody could imitate the aggressive melodic magnificence of Stanley's playing. I loved it. And I loved the stuff he'd done with Jimmy Smith and Shirley. He's such a powerful voice on the instrument, and I anticipated that the personality to follow would be: Look out! He's the antithesis, for example, of Paul Desmond. Stanley was not at all what I anticipated."


Stanley arrived at Creed's office in Rockefeller Center. I can easily imagine the meeting. Creed is a shy, reticent man, difficult to know at first, seemingly reserved and distant, but warm and considerate when you get past that. Stanley told me he went into that meeting in a state of depression, telling Creed he was facing some financial problems. Creed asked him how much it would take to ease them. Stanley gave him a figure. Creed wrote him a check and asked how soon they could get into the studio.


They were in the Van Gelder studio in Englewood Cliffs the following week, beginning a relationship that both men remember with warmth — a highly successful relationship.


"We made a record called Sugar and it was a hit," Stanley said. "Sugar, the title track, was his tune. "I've had a band ever since then.


"Creed was a wonderful producer, a great producer. I think he set a precedent for the music. Even the packaging. His covers were works of art. As a matter of fact, the covers sold as art. Packaging had never been done like that. And he had a CTI sound.

"And look at the people he had in that stable during the time I was there: Herbie Hancock, George Benson, Grover Washington, Freddie Hubbard, Jack De Johnette, Ron Carter, Billy Cobham, Hank Crawford, Esther Phillips, Milton Nascimento, Airto, Deodato. Oh man, it was just tremendous."


I told Stanley that one of the things I had noticed about Creed, during many of the recording sessions I attended with him, and sometimes worked on, was his capacity seemingly to ignore the clock and its measure of mounting expenses. He never let the musicians sense anxiety. His wife told me that this tore him up inside, and the tension was released only when he got home.


Stanley said, "He is so invisible! Did you ever notice that there are not many photographs of Creed? He's always in the background. Away from it. So many of the other producers, they want to be seen.


"I'd go into the studio sometimes, and record. No strings or anything. I'd go on the road and he'd hire Don Sebesky or somebody to add the strings. Or Chico O'Farrill to put brass arrangements behind it. Or Thad Jones. A lot of people got a little antsy about him doing that. I figured it helped me. It enhanced the records. I made a lot of albums for him. Maybe seven or eight. He was a music guy. There are no more cats out there like that. He loved the music. He loved the guys he was interested in. He heard them and tried to enhance what they were doing. He had such great taste. And we were all on that label at the same time.


(In the continuing process of corporate megamergers, the Turrentine CTI records have become the property of Sony-Columbia, and they are unavailable, as, for that matter, is that entire excellent CTI catalogue.)


"The record companies today are something," Stanley said. "There are no more music people in the business. They're just accountants and lawyers. The musicians are just numbers. How many records do they sell? They don't even have the courtesy to send you copies of your own albums.


"My wife called one of the record companies. She got the secretary of the vice president. She wanted to order some of my records. The girl said, 'Who's the artist you want to get? She said, 'Stanley Turrentine.' She said, 'Who?' That's just one of the things.


"But you know something? I think the Internet is going to bring some justice to the record companies. They're running scared now.


"I think the younger players, those coming up today, have got more schooling than most of the guys I know, as far as music is concerned.


"But you can't read your press releases all the time." He laughed his warm laugh.


"And you can't believe what you read in the press. If you start believing that's what you are, then your attitude changes.


"I'm not afraid to be myself, good, bad, or indifferent."


I said, "We were talking the other night about Dizzy's generation, who saw the value of entertaining the audience."


"Oh yes. Well you know, Dizzy was just a natural. He was a genius as a musician. We all know that. But, as far as knowing how to read an audience, that's very difficult to do, and Dizzy could do that at the snap of a finger. He could look over an audience and know exactly what to play. And the audience, all of a sudden, unbeknownst to them, were all with it.


"There was another cat that did that, that I worked with: Earl Bostic. I don't care how many thousands of people he would be playing for, it seemed to me that he'd just look them over from the stage and knew exactly what to play. That's what I am trying to learn, continually trying to do. Because that's part of playing. I think. You have to be entertaining people some kind of way, you know what I mean? I mean a lot of cats get up there and play snakes, play all their wares. And they can't get a gig.


"Most of the people who made it knew how to entertain. Look at Duke Ellington. He was a master at reading the audience. How to capture audiences! Basic, Jimmie Lunceford. Oh man. Andy Kirk. All these cats.


"When I get up on the bandstand, even me — " it was as if he were embarrassed to have mentioned himself so soon after these others "— I say, 'Hey, let's have some fun.' And that's what we try to convey. And the audience will start to have fun too. You can't fool 'em. There are many things we are selling. Sound, first, to me. This is just my opinion, it might be wrong. I've been wrong many times. Anyhow. Sound, feeling, and emotion. A lot of people think feeling and emotion are the same thing. That's not necessarily true in playing. Not as far as I'm concerned. I've seen cats that could play with feeling but no emotion, and cats who could play with emotion and no feeling.


"You don't have to be a Juilliard graduate to figure out those three things: sound, feeling, and emotion. That's what we're selling out there. The layman knows these three things. Let's face it, man. A lot of cats are playing a lot of stuff, or think they are. And if you don't ring that cash register, you'll find you'll be playing nowhere. This is still a business. And Dizzy and those cats, Miles, all of them, took it to the max. And people used to go in to see Miles to see what was he going to do next. When was he going to turn his back? Or is Monk going to stand up from the piano and just start dancing? There are all kinds of ways.


"But the ability to read the audience is a very important thing."


Stanley does it well. And his enthusiasm and that of the members of his current quartet communicate to an audience. The rhythm section comprises bassist Paul Thompson, at twenty-four the youngest in the group, drummer Lenny Robinson, and pianist David Budway. When Stanley is playing the head of a tune, or taking his own solo, he strides the bandstand (he has one of those tiny microphones in front of the bell of his tenor) with the authority of a captain on the bridge of a ship. When he isn't soloing, he'll sit down on a stool and listen with smiling satisfaction to the others. Even then, he cannot keep from moving. He tends to rock his hips back and forth on the stool, reminding me of a phrase I got from actor George Grizzard in 1959. We had spent some time hanging out in Paris together that year. George came home some months ahead of me, and he was appearing in The Disenchanted on Broadway with Jason Robards Jr. I called him as soon as I got off the boat in New York. He invited me to the play, and afterwards he asked what I wanted on this, my first night home. I said, "A real American hamburger and some jazz!" We went to P.J.'s for the first and several joints for the latter. In one club or another, I can't remember which, some group was really cooking, and George coined a phrase that has stuck with me. He called it "Good old ass-shakin' jazz."


Watching Stanley in delighted involuntary motion, I thought of that phrase.
I was particularly struck by the work of David Budway. There was something radically different about it. He is a highly percussive player, a really loud pianist, but his playing brought to mind something Buddy Rich once said: "There is a musical way to play loud and an unmusical way." Budway's percussive approach to playing really caught my ear I was listening to it with Tony Mowad, the aforementioned jazz broadcaster Tony is a stocky, husky man with a mustache and deep-toned skin. "You know," Tony said with the pride peculiar to Pittsburgh people, "David is my cousin." And, he said, the outstanding young guitarist Ron Affif, now living in Los Angeles, is another cousin, also born, like David Budway, in Pittsburgh. (Indeed, including Stanley, three quarters of the quartet is from Pittsburgh.)


Something struck me then. I said, "Tony, what's your ethnic background?"


He said, "Lebanese."


"Then that may explain it."

I have long held a theory, one that Gerry Mulligan shared, that white American jazz musicians tend to play with a stylistic influence of the music of their national origins. The Italians play very Italian, the Irish play very Irish — consider Mulligan and Zoot Sims — and so forth. Paul Motian is Armenian, and he told me that he grew up listening to the complex polyrhythms of Armenian music. This is hardly a universal principle, but it is an interesting insight into styles. At least Gerry Mulligan thought so, and I do.


And so. Was I hearing an Arabic influence in David Budway's playing? I asked him.


"Big time!" he said without hesitation.


Budway is a highly-trained classical pianist, little known nationally or internationally, because he chose until recently, when he moved to New York, to remain in Pittsburgh, teaching classical piano at Carnegie Mellon University and jazz and classical piano at Duquesne and playing with the Pittsburgh Symphony. He is yet another to shatter the myth of irreconcilable difference between jazz and classical music, which persists in spite of the careers of Mel Powell, Keith Jarrett, Joe Wilder, John Clayton, and many more. He has completed two as-yet unreleased classical albums with Hubert Laws, one devoted to all the Bach flute sonatas, the other to "impressionist" composers including Poulenc and Ravel.


His father, David told me, played "classical" violin but also toured with his brother, David's uncle, playing Arabic music. "I called my father the Arabic Bird," David said. David soaked in this music, at home and on the Lebanese radio station he listened to. "I got used to those Arabic rhythms, things like 9/8 and 10/4, the stuff was all over the place," David said.


And although the piano hardly lends itself to the melismatic practices of Arabic vocal music, David's playing does hint at Arabic minor-scale practices. Primarily, however, it is his rhythmic concept that seems so Arabic to my ears.


Stanley clearly delights in the group, as they do in each other. "I have a chance to play with some nice young musicians," Stanley said. "All the cats are nice. They're gentlemen. We have a good time. We all listen to each other. That's what makes it fun. We're trying to play together."


Stanley remains in close contact with his daughters, and he is concerned for the fragile health of his ex-wife, Shirley Scott. He has married again. "Three times and I finally got it right," he said.


"I think this is one of the happiest times of my life."

Unfortunately, Stanley passed away in 2000, a year after this article was published.

Cannonball Adderley - "The View From Within" by Orrin Keepnews

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


Next to his brother Nat, I don’t think anyone had a closer musical relationship to Julian “Cannonball” Adderley than Orrin Keepnews for all the reasons explained in the following essay which is excerpted from Orrin’s The View from Within: Jazz Writings, 1948-1987.

In the 1990s when we both lived in San Francisco, I got to know Orrin pretty well; we were neighbors and he allowed me to interview him about a variety of artists who had recorded for him at Riverside Records.

We usually met at a restaurant/club on Geary known as The Beach House, a somewhat ludicrously decorated place with Tiki Heads, lots of bamboo, waitresses in Hawaiian print dresses and a funky looking bartender who served up a pretty good Mai Tai.

During one of our get-togethers, he gave me a paperback copy of The View from Within: Jazz Writings, 1948-1987 which, dog-eared from lots of readings during business travels over the years, I still have.

I laughed when I first saw how he had inscribed it: “To Steve, a good friend of the music.” No one has ever been a better friend to the music than Orrin Keepnews.

© -Orrin Keepnews: copyright protected; all rights reserved; used with the author’s permission.



Cannonball Adderley
1975

“Julian Adderley was my friend. He was among the handful of people to whom I felt most closely connected during the almost two decades that I knew him. He was also a musician with whom I worked closely during two specific periods—the very important (to him and to me) six years between 1958 and 1964 that he spent at Riverside Records, and again on two 1975 projects during what turned out to be the last months of his life.

These facts are not in themselves exactly unique. I have other friends, including musicians with whom I have spent uncountable quantities of time in the recording studio. More than a few of the musicians I find myself working with now are men I knew and worked with more than a few years ago. Other friends have died, including vastly talented musicians with whom I felt deep ties, like Wes Montgomery and Wynton Kelly.

No, the facts are not unique. But the man was.

I first met Cannonball some time in 1957. I still remember with reasonable clarity the circumstances of that first meeting. As a matter of fact many of my memories of Cannon are in terms of specifically recalled scenes and incidents. And since—like me and like most of the people I've known in the jazz world—his life seemed in one way or another to be about 90 percent concerned with his music, those recollections and some of the thoughts and comments they stir up can very suitably be presented here.

To start with that first meeting: I know it was '57, and I figure it for spring or summer—the circumstantial evidence being that I was introduced to Cannon and his brother Nat by Clark Terry (whose own first Riverside album was recorded in April of that year), and that we were all standing around in front of a rather celebrated Greenwich Village jazz club called the Cafe Bohemia. That would seem to indicate a New York night too warm for either musicians or really hip customers to be inside the club between sets; therefore, possibly any time between May and September. Or being outside may just have been a safety measure. The Bohemia, in addition to being celebrated as the place where top bands like

Miles Davis's and the Modern Jazz Quartet played when in New York, and as the scene of Cannonball's legendary evening of sitting in with an Oscar Pettiford group when he first hit the big city in 1955, was also well known for a tough owner who shoved customers and musicians around when they clogged up the narrow bar area.

Anyway, there were Cannon and Nat and a midway point in a chain reaction that has always fascinated me (through Alfred Lion of Blue Note Records I first met Thelonious Monk, through whom I met Clark Terry, and thus Cannonball—who was the first man to turn me on to Wes Montgomery, and so on and on). I liked the men, and it seemed pretty mutual; and I liked their music, but not nearly enough other people did, because by late '57 the first Cannonball Adderley Quintet had disbanded. It was not at all a bad band (the brothers' rhythm section was Junior Mance, Sam Jones, and Jimmy Cobb), but the time wasn't right yet, or something, and they drew such slim audiences that, according to Julian's deadpan account, their best weeks were the ones they didn't work—"At least then we broke even."

The breaking up of that quintet turned out to be far from disastrous. Just consider the after-effects. For one thing, Cannon decided to put in some time collecting a salary without leadership headaches, and so he accepted Miles's job offer, a key step in the formation of probably the most significant and influential band in modern jazz; the sextet with Adderley, Coltrane, Evans, Chambers, and Philly Joe. Secondly, the Adderley brothers blamed their record company to some extent for their band's failure and Cannon began to take steps to terminate what proved to be a somewhat ambiguous contract with Mercury. By this time he was getting lots of moral encouragement from me, and Riverside (which had Monk, Bill Evans, and a couple of Sonny Rollins albums) was looking like an increasingly interesting label, and in June 1958 he signed a recording contract with us.

What I remember above all from the meeting at which the signing took place was that Cannonball was accompanied by his personal manager. I don't think I had ever before dealt with a musician who had a real honest-to-God professional manager. Hell, Julian was only a sideman at that time, and the contract involved the lowest imaginable advance payments, and we even used the standard printed form contract that the musicians' union provided. But there was a manager (John Levy, eventually one of the busiest and best, and associated with Adderley forever after) and there was one special condition. Mercury, it seems, had only recorded

Cannon's working group once (and hadn't issued that album until after the group broke up). So I promised that, as soon as Julian reformed a band, and just as soon as he felt it was ready to record— whenever and wherever that might be—I would go there and record them. An interesting verbal commitment; a non-existent band would be promptly recorded someplace on the road by a still very shoestring company that had never sent its staff producer, me, to work any further than a subway ride away from home. But it turned out to be one of the neatest examples of the good results of bread-cast-upon-the-waters since the Bible.

Cannonball began by recording some strong albums for us (the first two involved men like Milt Jackson, Bill Evans, Art Blakey, Wynton Kelly—both because of Cannon's taste in picking sidemen and because of good players' desire to associate with him). Then by mid-1959, he was ready to make his move, to leave Miles and reshape his own band. Inevitably that meant Nat; and just about inevitably their longtime Florida buddy, Sam Jones, on bass. In those days, when there were a great many regularly working groups out there, it was hard to put together an experienced unit without raiding other bands. Julian wasn't happy about this, but he knew what drummer he had to have, and so he rather reluctantly forced himself to steal Lou Hayes away from Horace Silver.

He was a bit more indecisive about the piano slot: for a while he favored Phineas Newborn, and I remember going with Julian to Birdland one night to hear him. Newborn, always an impressive technician, was pretty overwhelming that night, and he was offered the job. But, Cannon informed me, Newborn had one impossible demand: he wanted featured billing. The trouble was, Nat was already guaranteed that—and how could you have a leader's name and two featured artists in what was only a five-man group without the other two feeling an awful draft. He just couldn't do that to Sam and Louis, Cannon said. So he turned to his almost-first choice and enticed Bobby Timmons away from Art Blakey's Jazz Messengers. And everyone concerned was very soon damn glad he did, for the cocky young pianist/composer, whose "Moanin'" had been a 1958 winner for the Blakey band, immediately came up with another one.

After breaking in their act for two weeks in Philadelphia, the quintet went to San Francisco for three weeks at the Jazz Workshop. But even before they left for the West I had been put on notice that the "whenever and wherever" I had promised was going to be then and there. The band was together; the first audience reactions to Timmons' new tune, "This Here," had convinced
Adderley that he had a hit; and what was I waiting for? If I'd had the sense and experience to know what to worry about, I'd have recognized plenty to wait for: among other things, San Francisco at that time had not a single recording studio; there were very few engineers anywhere with a command of the fledgling art of recording "live" in a club; and in any event I didn't know a single engineer in that area. But a promise is a promise, right? So I asked Dick Bock, head of the Los Angeles-based Pacific Jazz label, for advice, and he recommended a young man who, he informed me, had recently done a live recording for him in the very same club. (Dick neglected to tell me he had decided the session hadn't come out well enough to be issued.) Not to prolong the suspense: I found my way to San Francisco (incidentally beginning my still-heavy love affair with that city); I heard "This Here" for the first time (and was informed by the late Ralph Gleason that the audience reaction was that hectic every night), we recorded for a couple of nights and came up with a lovely album. Those nights were my first opportunity to really study Cannon as a bandleader, and thereby to discover the remarkable secret of his appeal.

The way I saw it, Julian was one of the most completely alive human beings I had ever encountered. Seeing and hearing him on the bandstand, you realized the several things that went to make up that aliveness: he was both figuratively and literally larger than life-sized; he was a multifaceted man and it seemed as if all those facets were constantly in evidence, churning away in front of you; and each aspect of him was consistent with every other part—so that you were automatically convinced that it was totally real and sincere, and you were instantly and permanently charmed.

That last paragraph is the emotional way of saying it; if I try real hard I can be more factual and objective. He was a big man and a joyous man. He was a player and a composer and a leader, and when someone else was soloing he was snapping his fingers and showing his enjoyment, and before and after the band's numbers he talked to the audience. (Not talking at them or just making announcements, but really talking to them and saying things about the music—some serious, some very witty.) So all that whirlwind of varied activity was always going on when he was on the stand, and it all fitted together, and you never even considered the possibility that it could be an act. Of course it wasn't; it was (to use today's cliche) just Cannon doing his thing; and part of his thing was wanting you to enjoy yourself, and you did.

His talking to the audience was then (and remained) pretty unique; in assembling that first Jazz Workshop album I somehow got the daring idea of not only including some talk but giving it the same position on record that it had in the club. So that album opened with almost a minute and a half of Julian conversing about "This Here" before you heard a note of music, and apparently it was a good idea, or at least it didn't hurt, since the album turned into a huge hit. It established Cannon and the band and the adventurous label that had gone cross-country to make the record. (And it and its imitators led, for better or worse, to a whole flood of "soul" jazz.) We stayed with the formula a lot—the band made four other "live" albums on Riverside—and years later, when he had an even bigger hit for Capitol with "Mercy, Mercy, Mercy" he explained it to me as "I finally talked Capitol into recording me the right way; the way you and I used to do it." In this ego-heavy music business, how can you not love a man like that?

Well, some people could manage to not do so, I guess. There were the usual put-downs by the critics (success really doesn't automatically mean you're not playing as well as before, but . . .); and there were similar put-downs by less successful musicians. Those had the power to hurt his feelings at times, but not always; for example, what could we do but laugh at the jazz giant who said that "This Here" was nothing more than rock and roll and then quickly added that anyway it was stolen from one of his compositions.


On the whole, however, there was a lot of approval and those were good times. Riverside in the Cannonball years was a very happy place; there was an unprecedented team spirit among the musicians working for the label, and Julian was very much a leading part of that. He was, as has often been recounted, responsible for our "discovery" of Wes Montgomery: he had heard Wes in Indianapolis one night, and as soon as he got back to New York came bursting into my office insisting that "we've got to have that guy on the label." Allow me to tell you that there are hardly any performers around at any time who are going to refer to the company they are under contract to as "we." He was the kind of star who volunteered his services as a sideman (at union scale) for the record dates of men he liked and respected: Jimmy Heath, Kenny Dorham, Philly Joe Jones. He came up with the idea of his producing albums that would present either unknown newcomers or underappreciated veterans; he felt that his name might help their careers (Chuck Mangione first recorded as a Cannonball Adderley "presentation").

He was an intensely loyal man, and he inspired loyalty. In the sixteen years between the re-forming of his quintet and his death, he had only two drummers (Lou Hayes eventually being succeeded by Roy McCurdy—who had been the drummer on the first Cannonball-produced Mangione album), and not very many more bass players. There were a few more piano players: Timmons left to return to Blakey and then go out on his own; a couple of others didn't quite work out; Cannon was never able to persuade one of his major personal favorites, Wynton Kelly, to work in the band; but Joe Zawinul, who joined him in the very early '60s, stayed around for a long time.

My own strongest recollections of his loyalty relate, not too surprisingly, to when his contracts with Riverside were running out. The first time, in 1961, he was a very hot artist and we were pretty resigned to his being seduced away by major-league money. We made our best gesture—and he took it, even though it turned out to be much less than at least one major label had offered. The reason he gave, that he felt comfortable and at home among friends with Riverside, was just corny enough to be obviously true. Even more impressive was the way he behaved in the spring of '64. The label was then almost on the rocks: after the unexpected death of my partner it became clear that Riverside's financial picture was much more precarious than anyone had realized. I was fighting for survival, and losing. So Julian volunteered that, regardless of what any other companies might come up with, he'd simply extend his contract with us for another year. It could be announced as a re-signing, and obviously the news that we were retaining our top-selling artist would be a big help.

I wrestled with the idea: the main trouble was that Riverside was mortgaged up to slightly above eye-level. We were at the mercy of financial types whose shifting attitudes made it quite likely that the label was simply beyond being saved even by Cannon's ploy. It was a very strange situation: he kept offering and I kept hedging, and eventually one day I called him and said, in effect: "This is final; we're not going to be able to make it, so don't stay with us. Even if I call you tomorrow with a different story, don't pay any attention. This is the final true word: go away." Even then he was reluctant; and how many major artists can you think of that a record company would have to practically chase away with a club. (I was right, incidentally; about ten days after his contract was allowed to run out. Riverside closed its doors.)

For about eight years thereafter, we succeeded in the very tricky art of being former co-workers who remained friends. Sometimes we didn't see each other for long periods of time; on other occasions we got around to talking at great length on both musical and non-musical subjects. Most musicians I have known are (understandably enough) so wrapped up in themselves and their art that the rest of the world just doesn't hold their interest. (The polite way to describe this is by saying that artists are non-political beings,) But Cannon happened to be vitally interested in all of life; he enmeshed himself in a wide variety of activities. He was also one of the few people I have ever come across who could consistently talk as much as I do. I'd say that his old friend Pete Long and I were only partly joking when we claimed that some day we were going to run him for senator.

Cannon and I also came up with some intriguing musical ideas that we never did anything about. My favorite remains our plan to collaborate on a musical comedy based on the life of Dinah Washington. It is still easy for me to hear his vivid description of one potential scene, backstage at the Apollo Theater, with Dinah's dressing room filled with a procession of stolen-goods salesmen ("everything from hot fur coats to hot Kotex").

Eventually, fate moved our professional lives back together. I joined the Fantasy organization. Cannonball signed with Fantasy, and the company also acquired the Riverside catalog. After a while we got back to working together. He and Nat and I began by co-producing a package that was a real natural for us—new reworkings of the best material from the good old days (as far back as "This Here" and "Work Song" and "Jive Samba"). Working together again felt comfortable and good; I gave the album a title intended to reflect the comparative immortality of a man who had been a jazz star for all those years and was still going strong. But Phenix — the reference is to the legendary bird that is reborn every few hundred years out of the ashes of a self-consuming fire —  turned out to have more irony than prophecy to it. Only a few months after its completion, and while his next album remained unfinished, Julian had a stroke and, at the devastatingly young age of forty-six, was gone.

Cannon was certainly not a man without faults, but none of them were petty and the ones I was aware of were strictly self-injuring and directly connected with his huge love of life. He ate a lot (often his own food—he was a great cook) and drank a lot, and that's not really a good idea if you also happen to have high blood pressure and a touch of diabetes and a definite tendency to overweight. But there was no way in the world that he was going to scale himself down and be practical and cautious about his health. It would have been nice if he could have done so; most probably we'd still have him around now; but I'm afraid it just wasn't in his nature to play it that way.

And considering how much joy and warmth and creativity specifically came from that nature, how can any of us who knew and loved him complain too hard at the way it worked out. We can and do deeply mourn the unfair, untimely loss; but we also have the still-vital memory of him. And we have his music — and one very good thing about this music is how accurate a picture of the man it has always given. That means the music will help keep Cannonball extremely alive for us; and that's not bad at all.”


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