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Bill Evans by Chuck Israels

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.




Chuck Israels is a composer/arranger/bassist who has worked with Billie Holiday, Benny Goodman, Coleman Hawkins, Stan Getz, Herbie Hancock, J.J. Johnson, John Coltrane, and many others. He is best known for his work with the Bill Evans Trio from 1961 through 1966 and his recordings with the Bill’s Trio include The Town Hall Concert; The Second Trio; Trio '65; Live at the Trident; Time Remembered; and Live at Shelley's Manne Hole. 


While somewhat technical in places, Chuck’s essay offers a number of insights into what made Bill’s style unique and how through hard work and application he developed the immediately identifiable sound that most Jazz musicians strive to achieve. I thought it might also serve to enrich your listening experience of Bill’s music and provide a gentle reminder to either revisit his recordings if you haven’t in a while or perhaps look into them if Bill’s music is new to you.

The professional life of pianist-composer Bill Evans spanned a period of twenty-five years, from 1955 to 1980, coinciding with the careers of many musicians who made major contributions to the art of American jazz: Miles Davis, John Coltrane, Julian Adderly, Philly Joe Jones (the last three worked with Evans in Miles Davis' group), as well as Jim Hall, Scott La Faro, Phil Woods, and many others. Each left his personal mark on music, but there are aspects of Evans' work that may prove uniquely significant. He was a pathfinder while others, claiming to be the avant-garde, trod all too familiar ground. Clifford Brown influenced the sound of almost every jazz trumpeter who followed him. Coleman Hawkins, Lester Young, Charlie Parker, John Coltrane, and Sonny Rollins have had similar influence on their musical progeny. The full influence of Evans' music has not yet been felt.


General reaction to Evans' work has centered on easily recognizable idiosyncrasies, with much attention given to his voicings and the entirely mistaken idea that he was not playing in meter. Few have gone deeper into his work to find the underlying principles. Superficial imitation of Evans' obvious characteristics only results in the loss of identity of the imitator. In contrast, a search for the universally applicable principles in his music provides a broad avenue for the pursuit of personal jazz expression. His greatest contribution to the development of jazz lies beneath the surface of his style, in his creative use of traditional techniques. Evans was quick to recognize parallel cases to his own in which he could apply his extensive knowledge of the music. He did this by melding the appropriate device to the situation at hand, drawing from a wide range of musical background and history and putting old ideas to work in new ways.

Evans' view about rhythm was a combination of the swing of Bud Powell with the more varied cross rhythms of Bartok and Stravinsky; he carried this synthesis to great lengths, achieving a rare subtlety of placement and drive. He would start an idea with a short rhythmic motive, repeat and extend it with increasing complexity, and end it in a burst of notes that resolved those complexities. In this, he was not limited to the basic jazz unit of the eighth note and its typical subdivisions. He used complex relationships, adding to the swing that comes from the more usual duple/ triple conflict in jazz by layering other duples and triples over the more basic ones. He did this with a supreme clarity and unerring sense of his rhythmic goal, which often revealed itself in an exciting resolution many measures after the start of the phrase.

The development of these rhythmic techniques can be traced in a long line from Louis Armstrong's performance of "West End Blues" through Lester Young and Charlie Parker, to some of the work of Lennie Tristano and Lee Konitz. These men clearly influenced Evans' sense of rhythm, but none drew on as many sources at once as he did. The integrity of this variety in Evans' playing was remarkable. Nothing sounded pasted on or eclectic; ideas filtered through him and emerged with deep conviction and he rarely did anything superficial.

Every great jazz musician has a highly developed sense of rhythm, which operates independently of the other musicians around him. He does not need any external input in order to keep time. Evans' internal clock was so well controlled that he could risk considerable rhythmic freedom at the same time that other musicians playing with him took risks of their own. It was rare when such adventurousness resulted in what musicians graphically refer to as a "train wreck." The incidence of dropped beats was remarkably small in Evans' playing, considering the number of opportunities there were for such errors in his daredevil rhythmic style. He actually welcomed the interplay of his colleagues' rhythmic ideas and was empathetic to what they were doing.

Another remarkable aspect of Evans' playing was his command of tone color. With fingers like pistons, poised a scant millimeter over the keys, he dropped into the depths of the action as if propelled by steel springs, or he would caress the keys with the stroke of a loving mother touching her baby's cheek. All dynamic gradations short of bombastic pounding were at his command, and he used them to express delicate nuances of melody, and to separate and distinguish various voices of the harmonic texture. In some important ways, Evans' harmonies consisted less of chords than of piling up of contrapuntal lines in which the tension and release between the melody and the secondary voices was exquisitely shaded by his control of pianistic touch. His legato line was unsurpassed by any other pianist. No note was released before its fullest time, giving his playing a richness that resulted from the momentary clashes of overtones as successive tones overlapped in the sounding board.

Evans' superficial imitators mistook this sound for the wash that comes from standing on the sustaining pedal. Critics pointing to Evans' influence on young pianists often confused over-pedaling with complex finger-work. His sound was in his fingers and the subtle linear aspect of Evans' harmony was Chopinesque just as his textural interjections were often derived from Rachmaninoff, Liszt, and Debussy. His bass lines were steeped in knowledge of Bach. The entire piano literature was open to his voracious pilferage. Yet everything was synthesized into an integrated style; wide open and broad enough for any musician to find references to his own particular sensibilities.

Evans once said that he strove for the improvisational freedom to change direction at any moment. When you realize the rigorous and unflinching logic with which he followed that principle, the enormity of the challenge begins to become apparent. A motive-thirds or fourths, for example-would move upwards through the chord progression, then, in an instant, down, then up, then down, continuing through a series of chords without an error or harmonic miscalculation. The choice of sustaining or abandoning a direction was always made according to aesthetic and expressive principles and never for the convenience of technical limitations. This gave Evans his spontaneity and great flights of fancy, and the ability to accompany, to follow another's musical direction in conversational sympathy. He could listen and put his responses at the service of another musician's creative impulse, and he could do this while maintaining the identity of the accompaniment, adapting his own musical motives to the direction of the soloist.

A characteristic part of Evans' keyboard aesthetic lay in the way he separated the main line from the accompanying texture by tone and touch, as well as in the more conventional jazz technique of keeping the melody active in the right hand while the left hand was playing chords. He would sometimes play a darkly colored inner voice as counterpoint to the brighter line of the melody. The technique was certainly pianistic but it was also orchestral in its effect, suggesting French horns against trumpets, or violas against flutes. Evans' playing was colorful, not in the usual sense of flash and mercurial change, but in the sense that control of timbre was an integral part of his playing. This was simply the way he heard music and when he played a harpsichord, the result was the same; different colors for different voices without using the harpsichord's various stops or manuals.

This ability to give different color and weight to different voices gave Evans' playing a textural variety not found in the work of more conventional jazz pianists. Often, a single line served as accompaniment to the improvisation in the right hand, establishing a three-voice textural hierarchy. The right-hand melody carried the primary interest, with the bass player's line next in importance. Against this, the third voice appeared in Evans' left hand, clear and separate, shading the other lines, emphasizing a poignant harmony or nailing down a contrasting rhythm. Occasionally (in the blues, for instance) this was done with as few as five chromatic notes, extracted from the changes. The remarkable thing about this was the clarity it produced; by eliminating voices from the chords, Evans brought out the melodic character of the secondary lines, making them respond to, as well as guide, the progress of the improvisation. This also allowed for the possibility of increasing textural density by adding voices to the chords in order to build intensity from chorus to chorus. Another result of this simplified left-hand texture was the freedom to choose more varied colors in the melodic realization of the harmonic progression. If the thrust of melodic development called for chromatic alteration of the harmony, it would not be in conflict with a complete and specific left-hand chord. Motivic or serial development could then take precedence over the more limited interpretation of the harmony that a fully spelled out chord would require.

Evans' approach to arranging music was equally individualistic and exacting. The melody of each standard tune was subjected to intense scrutiny until every harmonic nuance was found. Accompaniments were fashioned from standard progressions which were then carefully adjusted and fine-tuned to the contours of each melody. This was done in so complete a way, tat when the accompaniment was played without the melody, the notes that were most strongly evoked were always those of the original missing tune. These exacting progressions were repeated during the improvised choruses, so that the individual character of the piece was implicit in the solo. Obviously this is not the only way to integrate an improvised solo into a piece of music, but if followed to its logical conclusion, as it was by Evans, it can be a strong organizational element and a liberating one.

Another aspect of Evans' approach to phrasing and rhythm was not unique to him but was developed from the tradition epitomized by the work of Charlie Parker. The great majority of jazz forms are four square in nature; their phrase structure occurs in regular multiples of twos or fours. The eight-measure phrase is such a commonplace occurrence that few musicians give it much thought once they have internalized it in their formative years. What makes jazz phrasing and rhythm interesting and inventive is how it plays off unpredictable irregularities against the regularity of the under- lying forms. In this, Evans, like Parker, was a master. His phrases would start and end in ever-changing places, often crossing the boundaries between one section of a piece and another. In a thirty-two-measure form, for example, the last two measures are usually a kind of vacuum between choruses where the harmony cycles from the tonic to the dominant in order to be ready for the tonic that normally comes at the beginning of the next chorus. Jazz musicians call this a "turnaround." Many sophisticated improvisers save some of their best "licks" for such moments, partly because the harmonies fall into a limited number of patterns which recycle throughout the performance.

Evans' view of the turnaround was that it belonged to the following chorus, rather than to the one just ending. In practice this meant that a new idea introduced at the turnaround could be carried over into the next chorus. This simple conceit is hardly earth-shaking, but it had an electrifying effect on the ensembles. One could move from one chorus to the next with confidence, knowing whether a solo was continuing, building, or ending, by staying alert during the tumarounds. Evans made it a guiding principle to dovetail the joints of a song, making for smooth and interesting transitions. He was not alone in this practice, but he was a master of it and it made everyone who played with him feel comfortable.

Evans' compositions are each constructed around one main idea. "Re: Person I Knew" is built on a pedal point; "Walkin' Up," on major chords and disjunct melodic motion; "Blue in Green," on doubling and redoubling of the tempo; and "Time Remembered," on melodic connection of seemingly unrelated harmonic areas. Each piece is so committed to a central idea that a program of Evans' music is foolproof in its variety from composition to composition.

"Peace Piece" is an example of the depth of Evans' compositional technique. It is an ostinato piece, composed and recorded long before the more recent superficial synthesis of Indian and American music; in fact, it owes more to Satie and Debussy than to Ravi Shankar. The improvisation starts simply over a gentle ostinato, which quickly fades into the background. Evans allows the fantasy that evolves from the opening motive (an inversion of the descending fifth in the ostinato) more freedom than he would in an improvisation tied to a changing accompaniment. He takes advantage of the ostinato as a unifying clement against which ideas flower, growing more lush and colorful as the piece unfolds. Polytonalities and cross rhythms increase in density as the ostinato undulates gently, providing a central rhythmic and tonal reference. The improvisation becomes increasingly complex against the unrelenting simplicity of the accompaniment, until, near the end, Evans gradually reconciles the two elements. This effective use of form to communicate abstract feelings and ideas is one of the strongest aspects of Evans' work, and one that separates him from most jazz improvisers. His interest in other music that contained this strength guided him intuitively even when his conscious attention was on smaller details. Monk, Bud Powell, and Bela Bartok were equally masters of things Evans needed; he borrowed from them without regard to their source.

Evans had an uncanny capacity for concentration and profound expressivity. He considered his work to be "controlled romanticism," and he exercised this control with exquisite care. He knew when to give rein to his imagination and when not to risk losing his grip on the piece. Intellect and deep feeling co-existed in his music, giving the lie to the view that they are mutually exclusive. In this respect he was a perfect partner for Miles Davis, and their recorded collaborations remain monuments in the history of American music.

It is true that Evans worked in small forms. The thirty-two-measure song was his own back yard, and he never ceased to find new corners of it to explore. He played with a sense of discovery, even as he worked and reworked the most familiar territory. He had the great improviser's gift for creating spontaneous expressivity in the performance of a piece he had played hundreds of times. But Evans did achieve a high artistic goal; he raised the performance of the simplest song into a worthy experience in expressivity and communication. That he stayed inside the boundaries of the song form is more a reflection of how Evans saw himself than of his depth as a musician. He thought of himself as a man of ordinary gifts committed to honesty in his work. He shunned superficial embellishments he did not feel, and probed deeply into music he had learned well. To some, he sold his talent and his training short by not embracing greater projects, such as a symphony or an opera. When opportunities for large recording and writing projects presented themselves, he left them to others of lesser talent who rarely brought out his best performances. In that sense, he remained, to quote Gunther Schuller, a "cocktail pianist" all his life-in the same sense that Schubert was a "song writer."

Evans made two records in collaboration with guitarist Jim Hall, in which one performance in particular stands out as an example of the highest level of achievement in ensemble playing. Their improvisation on "My Funny Valentine" ranks among the great jazz duets, along with the classic Amstrong/Hines "Weatherbird." It has every quality of memorable chamber music. I cannot imagine a note or nuance that might be changed. It is as perfect, in its way, as a movement of a Bartok string quartet. But spontaneous and inspired as that performance is, it is clearly the result of careful preparation. The saving of the chromatic line for the second section of the tune, the pedal tone at the bridge, the exchange of roles in the opening and closing choruses, all indicate an agreement about details that could only come from thorough planning. This is a responsibility that Evans took upon himself, and once a musician has been exposed to his arrangement of a song, it is difficult to accept any other. He found the crevices in which to insert harmonic details that fit so beautifully that later hearings of the melody seem to call his harmonies to your ear. The effect is one of melody, bass line, and inner voices having a three-way magnetic attraction binding them to one another. Sometimes, as in "My Funny Valentine," Evans would leave something out for clarity, or bring it in at a more effective moment. By leaving the chromatic secondary line out of its usual place in the first and last sections of this song, he focused attention on its entrance in the second eight measures, and kept it from disappearing into a background drone.

The sphere of Bill Evans' influence is expanding but its ultimate growth depends on the further understanding of the many artistic truths in his music. Time, the exigent critic and generous healer, will dole out the legacy in judicious portions as we find ourselves better prepared to receive it.

The Gene Harris Trio Plus One [Stanley Turrentine]

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


Unlike the grooves in an LP, thank goodness that it is impossible to wear out a compact disc because if that were the case I would have worn this one out a long time ago. It's been among my favorite recordings for many years and now, thanks to the wonder of YouTube, I've been able to append the audio files to the conclusion of this feature so you can listen to it in its entirety.

As was the case with his efforts in not allowing pianist Phineas Newborn, Jr. to pass into relative obscurity, we also have Ray Brown to thank for talking Gene Harris, who had settled in Idaho in the 1970s, out of a premature retirement in 1982.

Ray had a long association with pianist Oscar Peterson in the decade of the 1950s, Gene Harris also had a similar, lengthy musical involvement during this same period as the pianist in the Three Sounds with Andrew Simpkins on bass and Bill Dowdy on drums. With its heavy emphasis on a gospel-influenced, blues sound, the group specialized in what some have referred to a “soul-jazz” and was well-documented through its many records on the Blue Note label.


Here's how Ed Berger recounts the story in his insert notes to The Gene Harris Trio Plus One [Concord CCD-4303] which has long been one of my favorite recordings and which often finds its way to the number 1 slot on my CD changer.

“The reemergence of pianist Gene Harris on the jazz scene is one of the musical delights of the past two years. Gene is best remembered for his work with the popular Three Sounds, which he formed in 1956. The group disbanded in 1973, and after some commercial electronic ventures, Harris settled in Boise, Idaho, where he has been directing the music at the Idanha Hotel. Ray Brown was instrumental in prying Gene out of Boise, collaborating with the pianist on several dates.


"On The Gene Harris Trio Plus One [Concord CCD-4303], his debut recording as a leader for Concord, Gene Harris is joined by the dynamic Stanley Turrentine, who had not played with Gene since a 1960 recording with the Three Sounds. This auspicious reunion is enhanced by the impeccable rhythm team of Ray Brown and Mickey Roker. A lively and demonstrative audience at the Blue Note in New York lends a party atmosphere to this live date. "I like recording live, particularly in clubs, where they're right on top of you," Gene notes. "There's constant interaction between the musicians and audience. At the Blue Note, you could feel the electricity in the air." And the super-charged music which resulted cuts across all stylistic and aesthetic boundaries.


Harris's style is a fascinating personal amalgam of varied influences. Having assimilated the two-handed blues and boogie of early idols Albert Ammons, Pete Johnson, and Freddie Slack, he added the fluidity of Oscar Peterson, and seasoned the mixture with a hint of Erroll Garner's timing and sly humor. Above all, Harris is a master of the blues, with the tools and imagination to weave endless variations on that timeless and universal pattern.

Stanley Turrentine is the perfect partner for Harris's blues explorations, as is immediately evident on Ray Brown's composition, Gene's Lament. The saxophonist builds nine soulful choruses, played with his characteristically warm tone and distinctive vibrato. Harris pours on the heat for five choruses and then shows his mastery of dynamics by switching to a sublimely delicate attack in the middle of the sixth. 

Misty is a feature for Turrentine, who effectively mixes mournful, longer notes with feathery light interjections for a new perspective on the Garner standard. The tempo is doubled for the middle chorus. Harris's comping, Brown's perfect bass lines and Roker's tasty brush work form a superb backdrop. 

Uptown Sop is another Ray Brown blues, but with a difference: here a 24-bar framework is used. Turrentine wails from bar one of his five solo choruses. After two romping choruses by Harris, Turrentine returns, gradually cooling things down to end the piece. 

The Ellington blues, Things Ain't, is an object lesson in controlled excitement. Even at its most fervent emotional peaks, Gene's playing retains an undercurrent of discipline, precision and clarity.

Yours is My Heart Alone is an unjustly neglected standard dating from the 1920s. In Harris and company's hands, it becomes an up-tempo swinger. Everyone shines here. Turrentine flies through the changes and Harris's dazzlingly fleet single-note runs show him to be as well versed in the bebop tradition as in the blues. Roker's crisp and imaginative drumming comes to the fore in some eight-bar trades.

Battle Hymn of the Republic may seem an odd choice, but it has received a surprisingly wide range of jazz treatments over the years. Gene's use of substitute chords adds some new twists to the familiar melody. His introduction is deceptively gentle, leading into eight choruses of unflagging, gospel-tinged swing. Just when you think the pianist must have exhausted his supply of ideas (not to mention himself), he somehow tops his previous effort. Turrentine is equally inspired, ending with a fade-out over an extended vamp.

Gene summed up his feeling about the sessions by stating, "It was a joy to be on the same bandstand with players of this caliber." The results show that Gene Harris is back where he belongs."

Ed Berger

Curator

Rutgers Institute of Jazz Studies


Eric Dolphy Musical Prophet: The Expanded 1963 New York Studio Sessions

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Zev Feldman assembled a three-LP set of primarily previously unreleased material by saxophonist-flutist Eric Dolphy titled “Musical Prophet.” That Resonance release, like many he’s done for the imprint, took years to put together, after Feldman learned of studio tapes that had been hidden away for more than a half-century.

That limited vinyl edition immediately sold out in stores, but the Dolphy collection is set to be released to a much bigger audience as a three-CD set on Jan. 25. Planned for the launch are live events celebrating Dolphy’s legacy at Largo in L.A. on Jan. 23 and Jazz at Lincoln Center in New York on Jan. 25.”
- Variety, January 7, 2019

Independent Jazz record producers such as Milt Gabler [Commodore], Teddy Reig [Savoy], Morris Levy [Roulette], Alfred Lion and Francis Wolff [Blue Note], Bob Weinstock [Prestige] Orrin Keepnews [Riverside], Richard Bock [Pacific Jazz] and Lester Koenig [Contemporary] must be grinning from ear-to-ear in Independent Jazz Record Producers Heaven at the quality of the music that George Klabin, Zev Feldman and the gang at Resonance Records are putting out these days.

And it’s not just what they are putting out Jazz-wise that is so terrific, but the spare-no-expense style in which this great music is packaged is also something that has these former friends of Jazz recordings no doubt shaking their heads in admiration. Would that it were that they could have brought to bear such resources to put out such artfully created and beautifully encased recordings.

Back-in-the-day [post World War II era, 1945-1965], the only independent Jazz record producer who had the resources to approach putting out stuff in the manner in which Resonance does today was Norman Granz at EmArcy,Clef and Norgran all of which he later collected under the Verve rubric.

[Actually, Norman did tread this path with his limited edition, multi disc, extended 78 rpm set The Jazz Scene as well as multiple recordings by selected artists such as the legendary Art Tatum, but these were usually issued as individual volumes and only later collected into boxed set with elaborate annotations and graphics when this music was released on CD].

Perhaps Norman might have done more elaborate presentations if he had not been so caught up in domestic and international tours of his Jazz at the Philharmonic concerts, personally managing the careers of such Jazz luminaries as Ella Fitzgerald and Oscar Peterson and recording prominent Jazz musicians such as Coleman Hawkins, Stan Getz and Lionel Hampton, among many, many others on an almost weekly basis in Los Angeles and New York studios.

Incidentally, through his Rising Jazz Stars Foundation, George Klabin also acts as an impresario for many younger Jazz musicians and you can learn more about that organization’s activities and function by reading this interview with him.

This nostalgic trip down a memory lane of independent Jazz record production leads me to wonder what the earlier lions in this field would have thought of the Resonance teams latest offering - Eric Dolphy Musical Prophet: The Expanded 1963 New York Studio Sessions - which is due out on January 25, 2019 as a deluxe 3CD set and as a digital edition.

Hyperbole is always a danger when describing a Resonance Records finished product but, I ask you, how can you over exaggerate when the media release from Ann Braithwaite at Braithwaite and Katz Communications begins with this description of the new 3CD Dolphy set?

First official release of previously-unissued ERIC DOLPHY studio recordings in over 30 years,including 85-minutes never before released.

Includes an exhaustive 100-page book with rare photos by Chuck Stewart, Jean-Pierre Leloir, Val Wilmer and others; essays by jazz author/scholar Robin D.G. Kelley, Douglas label manager Michael Lemesre, Japanese Dolphy scholar Masakazu Sato, and co-producers Zev Feldman and James Newton.

Plus words by John Coltrane McCoy Tyner Ornette Coleman and Charles Mingus and interviews with jazz icons Sonny Rollins, Sonny Simmons, Richard Davis, Henry Threadgill, Nicole Mitchell, Steve Coleman, David Murray, Bill Laswell, Oliver Lake, Han Bennink, Joe Chambers, Dave
Liebman and Marty Ehrlich.

All this before you’ve even taken the shrink-wrap of the artfully illustrated package that contains the CDs!

Writing in the January 2019 edition of Downbeat, Phillip Lutz observed of Dolphy:

“... he was working at a time when cultural purists often prevailed over pluralists, and, among too many critics and club owners, his expansive aesthetic marked him as an unwelcome outlier. ...

If he were alive, Dolphy might very well be surprised at all the attention being lavished on him, given the difficulty parts of the jazz establishment had in understanding him during his lifetime. That failure reveals itself in the elementary nature ot the questions the late critic Leonard Feather asked of Dolphy in an undated interview, an audio excerpt of which appears at adale.org, a website operated by neuroscientist Alan Saul.

Feather's questions largely revolve around the move away from improvisation based strictly on harmonic progressions. Feather, with his mellifluous British intonation, asks: "If your foundation is not a chord sequence, which is what the traditional basis of jazz was, then what is the foundation?"

Dolphy, in earthier tones, replies: "Some things you play are not based on chords, they're based on freedom of sound. You start with one line and you keep inventing as you go along."

The gap in perspective [between Feather and Dolphy] remains wide throughout the excerpt, with little apparent prospect for a narrowing. Though Dolphy always showed great respect for all jazz traditions — the anthropomorphic cries he wrung from his horns consciously harked back to the early days of Jaz, in New Orleans — those who knew him said he was too iconoclastic to operate within the straight and narrow strictures of jazz convention.

"He was constantly bending," Juanita Smith [a close friend] said. "That's what got him into so much difficulty. You upset the natural thing, people get upset."

These days, when so much of Dolphy's vocabulary has been absorbed into the jazz lexicon, it seems hard to grasp what the upset was all about.”

Ironically, many of the “cultural purists” who “prevailed” [against Dolphy’s music] were the very same critics who twenty years earlier had supported the beboppers in their “revolt” against the [their term] “moldy figs” [collectively, those who preferred the earlier Jazz styles from New Orleans and Chicago and the Swing era big bands].

In a sense, you had to be there [as I was] to understand that things were simply happening too quickly for these “cultural purists” to understand. This was the same era that found Miles Davis recording his 1956 Bebop classic Round Midnight and then in 1959 renouncing chord changes for modes in Kind of Blue and then from 1965-1970 transitioning to Jazz-Rock fusion that ultimately coalesced with the issuance of Bitches Brew in 1970.

Stylistically, too much was happening too fast during the period from 1955-1965 for anyone in the Jazz World to keep up with so what generally happens in the face of rapid change is that resistance to the new - and there was a lot of it - formed the initial or default reaction of the Jazz cognoscenti.

It didn’t help, too, that the freer forms of Jazz that were coming into existence in the early 1960s when Eric Dolphy Musical Prophet was recorded often disdained their audiences when its musicians turned their backs on them in Jazz clubs, failed to communicating with them by introducing the members of the band or offering even the most rudimentary explanation of what was going on in the “new” music and often played their avant garde renditions at decibel levels that were piercing in the extreme.

So, one of the value of reissuing Eric Dolphy Musical Prophet: The Expanded 1963 New York Studio Sessions is to help Jazz fans understand the value of what may have been missed in all the frency that greeted the New Jazz Movement when it was first introduced on the scene in the late 1950s and early 1960s.

What I found most striking about the music on the 3 CDs is how formative it sounds. These were young musicians who were all very impressionable and malleable and who, developmentally, were in the early years of learning their craft.

They were experimenting, shaping and molding their improvisations; trying things out; learning by doing.

Vibraphonist Bobby Hutcherson, for example, is playing single note phrasing and not the multi-note runs that he exhibited in his later solos.

Trumpeter Woody Shaw exhibits a heavy Freddie Hubbard influence in his solos, especially with regard to the similarity in tone.

Clifford Jordan, who had established himself as a tenor saxophonist is still very tentative in his new found involvement with the soprano saxophone.

Compositionally, Eric, too, was exploring and investigating new forms that would allow for greater expression of tonality and texture.


Here’s more information about the 3 CD Resonance records Dolphy release from Ann Braithwaite’s media guide.

“Los Angeles, CA – August 2018 – Resonance Records is proud to announce the first official previously-unissued studio recordings of Eric Dolphy in over 30 years, including 85-minutes of never before released material. Musical Prophet: The Expanded 1963 New York Studio Sessions is being released in partnership with the Eric Dolphy Trust and the Alan Douglas Estate with remastered high-resolution monaural audio transferred directly from the original tapes.

Captured after leaving Prestige/New Jazz Records, and just before recording the timeless classic Out to Lunch! album, Musical Prophet is a 3LP/3CD set that contains the under-appreciated masterpieces Conversations and Iron Man recorded in New York City on July 1 and 3, 1963. Originally produced by Alan Douglas — most well-known for his association with Jimi Hendrix, but who also produced classic jazz albums such as Money Jungle with Duke Ellington, Charles Mingus and Max Roach — the tapes had been stored in a suitcase with Dolphy’s personal belongings and given to Dolphy’s close friends Hale and Juanita Smith just before he embarked on his fateful European trip in 1964. Years later the contents of the suitcase were given to flutist/educator James Newton, who had developed a close relationship with his mentor Hale Smith and Hale’s wife Juanita in the late 1970s. Then in 2015, Newton connected with Zev Feldman at Resonance and they began working in conjunction with the Eric Dolphy Trust in Los Angeles on this definitive edition of Dolphy’s 1963 New York studio sessions. These tapes were recorded in mono, unlike the stereo versions that were used for the original studio albums and are the only known master sources in existence.

THE PACKAGE

The LP/CD packages are beautifully designed by longtime Resonance designer Burton Yount and include exhaustive booklets replete with rare and never-before-published photos (several of which are in color!) by Chuck Stewart, Jean-Pierre Leloir, Val Wilmer, Hans Harzheim, Lennart Steen, Roger Marshutz and many others, plus reproductions of the original album covers for Conversations and Iron Man. The five essays cover different aspects of Eric Dolphy and this music, starting with co-producers Zev Feldman and James Newton’s accounts of how this album came to be and what Dolphy’s music means to this world. Newton says in his essay, “Eric Dolphy taught us to listen much more carefully to voices from all around the world, but never to forget that the substantially personal and complex feelings within field hollers remained in the mix.” Jazz scholar and author of Thelonious Monk: The Life and Times of an American Original, Robin D.G. Kelley, gives us the full historical context of these recordings and Dolphy in 1963. Japanese Dolphy scholar Masakazu Sato and Douglas label manager Michael Lemesregive us accounts of Dolphy’s impact in Japan and of producer Alan Douglas’ role in these recordings and relationship with Dolphy.

We’ve gathered a large congregation of voices to reflect, remember and reexamine the person, the music and the legacy of Eric Dolphy. The saxophone colossus himself, Sonny Rollins, recounted first meeting Dolphy when he asked to sit in with Max Roach’s band. Roach liked to embarrass young musicians who asked to sit in by playing a tune at an extremely fast tempo and running them off the stage. Of course, Dolphy was no average musician and he hung in there the whole way through the tune. From that point forward, Rollins knew Dolphy was a serious musician to be reckoned with. The sole living members of the band interviewed for this release, saxophonist Sonny Simmons and Richard Davis, remember Dolphy as being “a Saint” and “angelic” respectively. Close family friend Juanita Smith gives a detailed account of the time she and her husband, Hale Smith, spent with Eric, including the anecdote about how Eric got the enigmatic bump on his head that we see so clearly in photographs from his later years (including our Chuck Stewart photo on the album cover).

The words and thoughts of no less than 17 musicians – from jazz legend John Coltrane to the Pulitzer prize-winning saxophonist/flutist Henry Threadgill – are represented in this deluxe tribute to Eric Dolphy and this archival discovery, and paint a complex portrait of this heralded, loved and misunderstood artist. Acclaimed flutist Nicole Mitchell says, “I don’t know if there’s a better way to start listening to someone improvising on the flute than to hear Eric Dolphy . . . He really was — bar none — one of the greatest flute players of his time, and of any time before him.” Award-winning saxophonist Steve Coleman stated bluntly about Dolphy, “He’s a virtuoso. There’s nothing else to say about that. It’s amazing that he could get that kind of fluency on different instruments. He’s the first guy I heard to play the shit out of the bass clarinet, the saxophone and the flute.”

LP/CD 1 — Conversations
1. Jitterbug Waltz (7:18)
2. Music Matador (9:37)
3. Love Me (3:22)
4. Alone Together (13:36)
5. Muses for Richard Davis (Previously Unissued 1) (7:39)
6. Muses for Richard Davis (Previously Unissued 2) (8:31)

LP/CD 2 — Iron Man
1. Iron Man (9:14)
2. Mandrake (4:47)
3. Come Sunday (6:28)
4. Burning Spear (11:59)
5. Ode to Charlie Parker (8:04)
6. A Personal Statement (Bonus Track) (15:02) *

LP/CD 3 — Previously Unissued Studio Recordings
1. Music Matador (Alternate Take) (8:05)
2. Love Me (Alternate Take 1) (2:27)
3. Love Me (Alternate Take 2) (3:43)
4. Alone Together (Alternate Take) (12:14)
5. Jitterbug Waltz (Alternate Take) (9:36)
6. Mandrake (Alternate Take) (6:48)
7. Burning Spear (Alternate Take) (10:31)

Personnel:
Eric Dolphy – alto saxophone, flute, bass clarinet
William “Prince” Lasha – flute
Huey “Sonny” Simmons – alto saxophone
Clifford Jordan – soprano saxophone
Woody Shaw – trumpet
Garvin Bushell – bassoon
Bobby Hutcherson – vibes
Richard Davis – bass
Eddie Kahn – bass
J.C. Moses – drums
Charles Moffett – drums

Recorded on July 1 & 3, 1963 at Music Maker’s Studios in New York City.
*Bonus Track: “A Personal Statement” is a Bob James composition that was recorded at WUOM studios in Ann Arbor, MI on March 2, 1964 with Eric Dolphy (alto saxophone, bass clarinet, flute), Bob James (piano), Ron Brooks (bass), Robert Pozar (percussion) and David Schwartz (vocals).

Pre-Order Musical Prophet on iTunes and receive 3 tracks instantly:
"Music Matador (Alternate Take}": 'Mandrake (Alternate Take)!! and "Muses for Richard Davis (Previously Unissued 1).”

For order information please go to www.resonancerecords.org.


Here is the complete text of Phillip Lutz’s Eric Dolphy: ‘Prophet’ of Freedom from the January 2019 edition of Downbeat - http://wwwdownbeat.com.

And here is the complete article on the set from Phillip Lutz’s Eric Dolphy: The ‘Prophet’ of FreedomDownbeat article.

“Whether he was wielding his alto saxophone, flute or bass clarinet, Eric Dolphy was a godsend to the cadre of musicians who were on a mission to expand the language of jazz.

“He was like an angel,” Richard Davis, Dolphy’s longtime bassist, said in October. “He was my answer to wanting to play a certain way—free.” In his short life—Dolphy died in 1964 at age 36—he embraced chromatic post-bop, contemporary classical and (what later would be called) world music on their own terms. At the same time, he was moving toward a synthesis of those forms, presaging the modern global sensibility.

But he was working at a time when cultural purists often prevailed over pluralists, and, among too many critics and club owners, his expansive aesthetic marked him as an unwelcome outlier. Struggling to find work as a leader, the reedist decided that after a 1964 tour accompanying bassist Charles Mingus, he would remain in Europe. Dolphy settled in Berlin, where his diabetes went untreated, leading to his tragic death on June 29.
“When I heard it, I didn’t want to believe it,” said Davis, 88.

That sense of denial summed up the reaction of others close to Dolphy—not least his composition mentor, Hale Smith (1925–2009), and Smith’s wife, Juanita. Smith, 91, explained that the pain was so deep that, for many years, her husband refrained from digging into the boxes Dolphy had left at their Long Island home before the saxophonist departed for what would be his final tour.

“It was sort of a raw thing,” she said.

But finally, in 1978, the Smiths contacted flutist and scholar James Newton, who flew out from California to take a look. What he found was a multitude of scores and recordings, many ready to be mined. Nine years later, he produced Other Aspects (Blue Note), a 41-minute, five-track collection that, by his own account, was put together hurriedly to benefit Dolphy’s parents.

After that, Newton returned the material he had used to the Smiths’ home, where it remained until Hale’s death, when Newton became custodian of the entire cache. At that point, he undertook a more intensive exploration of the music, gradually coming to understand that it filled out the picture of a genius’ life cut short. When Resonance Records got wind of the tapes and proposed a project, Newton was game.

“I started to think that this music had to come out,” he said.

The result is Musical Prophet: The Expanded 1963 New York Studio Sessions. From seven-and-a-half hours of tapes, Newton, working with Resonance Co-President Zev Feldman at the label’s studio in Beverly Hills, culled 74 minutes of music, which had been released in the ’60s as the albums Conversations and Iron Man, plus 85 minutes of previously unreleased material. Co-produced by Newton and Feldman, the collection, which includes extensive liner notes and photos, will be available in a limited-edition three-LP version (out Nov. 23 for Record Store Day’s Black Friday event). There also will be a three-CD version and a digital edition (both out Jan. 25).

By the time Dolphy went into the studio for these sessions — on July 1 and 3, 1963 — he had recorded with dozens of artists. Prominent among them was John Coltrane. Dolphy spent long hours practicing with Coltrane in the latter’s home in St. Albans, Queens, according to bassist Reggie Workman, who worked with both musicians on Impulse classics like Africa/Brass and Live! At The Village Vanguard.
“They were very close,” he said. “They respected one another highly.”

On the bandstand or in the studio, Workman recalled, the two operated as equals. No matter what Coltrane’s imagination yielded, he said, “Eric would step forward and produce something of the same nature. He always held his own. John expected you to believe in the music and know the terrain, and Eric was happy to be part of it. He always brought his own voice to the music.”

That voice, using a full range of instruments to express limitless emotion, was amply expressed as well with Mingus. The two musicians’ relationship, which began in Dolphy’s native Los Angeles, had reached an early peak with albums like Mingus At Antibes (Atlantic) and The Complete Town Hall Concert (Blue Note). Despite its ups and downs, the musical bond was so strong that Mingus repeatedly hired Dolphy, right up until his death.

While his reputation as a sideman grew, Dolphy built his own catalog as a leader. By the early ’60s, it already included two records of live performances at the Five Spot and three studio gems on Prestige’s New Jazz imprint: Outward Bound, Out There and Far Cry— the last recorded on Dec. 21, 1960, the same day he laid down tracks for Ornette Coleman’s singular Free Jazz (Atlantic).

Even as the New Jazz dates employed conventional song structures, they hinted at a subversive streak. By 1963, that streak had become more pronounced, and clearer still on 1964’s Out To Lunch!, recorded with Davis, Freddie Hubbard (trumpet), Bobby Hutcherson (vibraphone) and Tony Williams (drums). Posthumously released, that album widely is considered Dolphy’s most definitive; the new collection, with Hutcherson and Davis among the personnel, documents a moment of transition leading to it.

“You’re hearing changes, you’re hearing swing, but you’re also hearing this approach that really gives you a lot of room to express who you are as an individual,” Newton said.

For Dolphy — who was voted into the DownBeat Hall of Fame by readers in 1964 — individual expression was paramount. Offstage, Smith said, he was an omnivorous consumer of knowledge and an assertive participant in seminar-like sessions her husband and Dolphy held in the Smiths’ residences, first in Harlem’s Flanders Hotel and, later, in their Long Island home. Onstage, Davis recalled, Dolphy rarely offered direction, preferring to give musicians full rein to shape their sound.

“There was never any discussion of the music,” he said. “We just played.”

That kind of trust, Davis said, reflected a closeness forged in the crucible of New York — at the Five Spot in a pressurized two-week residency, at Philharmonic Hall performing Gunther Schuller’s “Journey Into Jazz” under Leonard Bernstein’s watchful eye, at Town Hall contributing music between poet Ree Dragonette’s searing disquisitions on race. All of which proved powerful bonding agents.

In the 1963 sessions, that bond also was a morale-booster as Dolphy and Davis squeezed into a single day a series of sonorous duos built on a diverse set of vehicles: the Arthur Schwartz-Howard Dietz ballad “Alone Together,” Duke Ellington’s “Come Sunday” and, in two previously unreleased takes, Roland Hanna’s elegiac “Muses For Richard Davis.”

Though Dolphy was no stranger to duos with bassists — two duos with Ron Carter, for example, appear on an acetate disc produced at Esoteric Sound Studios — the interplay in the ’63 sessions has a quality of restraint that reflects a level of intimacy with Davis. The restraint is conspicuously unforced, particularly when Davis’ bow meets Dolphy’s bass clarinet — prompting the bassist, when asked what most stands out about the sessions 55 years after the fact, to cite Dolphy’s unique expressivity on that instrument.

“Nobody else played it like that,” Davis said. “Some good players would not even attempt to play it.”

The impact of the Dolphy-Davis colloquies on Newton was evident. “They bring tears to my eyes, how they understood each other as artists and human beings,” he said, adding that he was so taken by “Muses” that, for purposes of analysis, he devised a system for juxtaposing the two takes by simultaneously playing the improvisations — one on his main computer and the other on his laptop.

His conclusion? “Each time it’s like they had a thousand different ways of approaching how the improvisation could unfold.”

Beyond the duos, all of which were recorded on July 1, Musical Prophet offers a variety of settings that shed light on the various dimensions of Dolphy’s art. A quintet with Hutcherson, Woody Shaw (trumpet), J.C. Moses (drums) and Davis alternating with Eddie Khan on bass interprets two Dolphy originals, “Iron Man” and “Mandrake,” as well as Fats Waller’s “Jitterbug Waltz” — a loping head-solos-head exercise whose conservative form belies the flickering of microtonality in Dolphy’s birdlike flute.

“Birds have notes in between our notes — you try to imitate something they do and, like, maybe it’s between F and F#, and you’ll have to go up or come down on the pitch,” Dolphy said in “John Coltrane and Eric Dolphy Answer the Jazz Critics,” an article by Don DeMicheal that ran in the April 12, 1962, edition of DownBeat. “It’s really something. ... Indian music has something of the same quality — different scales and quarter tones. I don’t know how you label it, but it’s pretty.”

A sextet with Davis, Prince Lasha on flute, Sonny Simmons on alto saxophone, Clifford Jordan on soprano saxophone and Charles Moffett on drums provides the setting for some soulful multiphonics on “Music Matador.” Composed by Lasha and Simmons, the tune traffics in the kind of avant-Latin groove with which Dolphy, a Spanish-speaking Panamanian-American, was comfortable.

“It’s one of the least understood aspects of his language,” Newton said. The largest complement of musicians — 10 in all, with the addition of Garvin Bushell on bassoon and the replacement of Moffett by Moses — is enlisted on “Burning Spear.” The song is named for Jomo Kenyatta, who acquired that moniker for his militant role in Kenya’s fight for independence and served as his country’s first prime minister and first president. The tune, a raucous celebration led by Dolphy’s exclamatory bass clarinet, is one of two in the collection that have an explicitly political edge.

The other is a 15-minute track titled “A Personal Statement.” Recorded on March 2, 1964, at a radio station in Ann Arbor, Michigan —  where the composer, pianist Bob James, was an adventurous student — the piece is the collection’s longest. It’s also the most wide-ranging sonically, with each of Dolphy’s three instruments assuming a distinct profile amid a shifting soundscape of woodblock accents, pianistic clusters and ensemble passages in a kind of fractured waltz time — all framed by a classically rendered libretto centered on a vocal line: “Jim Crow might one day be gone.”

A version of the piece also appears on Other Aspects, on which Newton — uncertain of its name or composer at the time of that album’s release — provisionally titled it “Jim Crow.”

Still another side of Dolphy is offered in the single solo outing — three takes, actually — of the Ned Washington-Victor Young tune “Love Me.” Those tracks, the shortest in the collection at less than four minutes each, find Dolphy in full flight, pushing his alto saxophone to the limit and beyond. In its risk-taking, Newton said, Dolphy nods to piano titans — Thelonious Monk (for his counterintuitive leaps) and Art Tatum (for his harmonic and technical range).

“He went to the edge of the cliff and he jumped off,” Newton said of Dolphy. “He was falling and he had to fly.”

Dolphy’s artistic courage has had a profound impact on other players, too. Newton, who has topped the Flute category in the DownBeat Critics Poll 23 times, acknowledges the debt on his album Romance And Revolution (Blue Note). The album was released in 1987 —  as was Other Aspects — and Dolphy was clearly on his mind.

Newton’s soaring solo version of the Walter Gross-Jack Lawrence ballad “Tenderly” was, he said, “highly influenced by Eric,” who had done the piece solo on alto saxophone on Far Cry. “A lot of [Romance And Revolution] was.”

Newton’s friend and colleague Bennie Maupin, known for his horn work on albums by Miles Davis (Bitches Brew) and Herbie Hancock (Head Hunters and Mwandishi), similarly was taken by Dolphy’s work. His fascination began with an encounter with Dolphy at the Minor Key lounge in Detroit. Following a particularly ferocious set, the youngster got up the nerve to engage Dolphy.

“I told him what I was doing,” Maupin recalled. “He was just standing there, holding a flute, and said, ‘Play something for me.’” Maupin did, and an impromptu lesson ensued in which Dolphy spent 45 minutes explaining how to hold the instrument, improve one’s embouchure and the like. “They were key things only somebody who really knew the instrument could have shown me. He was very patient and very kind.”

Inspired by that experience, Maupin bought a bass clarinet, which he ultimately used on dates with both Davis and Hancock. After Maupin moved from his native Detroit to California, he began using the instrument in gigs with Newton. And when Newton came into possession of the Dolphy sheet music, Maupin used the instrument in a band, Dolphyana, created to play that music.

The group was short-lived, but it brought Maupin and Newton together for a concert at the 2008 Healdsburg Jazz Festival in California. The band covered a variety of material from Out To Lunch!, Outward Bound and Last Date— the last represented by “The Madrig Speaks, The Panther Walks,” which, appearing on Musical Prophet as “Mandrake,” serves as a platform for Dolphy’s alto at its most agitated.

“It was definitely a challenge,” Maupin said. “We worked through the music measure by measure to see what kind of blend we could get.

“Dolphy’s music speaks for itself. He was involved in making things sound beautiful. He was always trying to be himself. A lot of people compare me to him. He’s one of my mentors, even from the grave.”

Dolphy’s influence was felt beyond wind players. The late pianist Geri Allen analyzed Dolphy’s music for a master’s thesis, incorporating what she learned into her writing, in tunes like “Dolphy’s Dance.” Another pianist, Diane Moser, drew on Dolphy’s predilection for winged creatures — he was said to transcribe the chirping of birds — with her “Birdsongs For Eric,” which had its premiere in 2014 at a commemoration of Dolphy’s music at Montclair State University in New Jersey.

That year, the 50th anniversary of Dolphy’s death, saw a tribute in Berlin, at Rickenbackers Music Inn, featuring a group led by Gebhard Ullmann on saxophone, flute and bass clarinet. Ullmann, who formed the group Out to Lunch in the 1980s, remains a central figure among veteran Dolphy enthusiasts in Germany’s capital.

Dolphy also counts enthusiasts among a younger generation. At The Bop Stop, a listening room in Cleveland with a reputation for offering eclectic fare, the new-music ensemble No Exit presented an all-Dolphy program in May 2017. The set offered fresh takes on familiar tunes, including a version of “Hat And Beard,” from Out To Lunch!, reimagined for string trio, trumpet, alto saxophone and drums.

Recorded tributes to Dolphy began to appear in the years after his death. The late Frank Zappa, who listed Dolphy as an influence on the Mothers of Invention’s first LP, Freak Out!, included “The Eric Dolphy Memorial Barbecue” on his 1970 recording, Weasels Ripped My Flesh.

Closer to Dolphy’s aesthetic home, small groups led by saxophonist Oliver Lake offered homages on 1980’s Prophet and 1996’s Dedicated To Dolphy, which includes the Hale Smith composition “Feather.”

In 2014, pianists Aki Takase from Japan and Alexander von Schlippenbach from Germany released So Long, Eric! (Intakt), featuring European interpreters of Dolphy’s music. Among them was drummer Han Bennink, who joined Dolphy in his quartet on Last Date, recorded in concert at a radio studio in Hilversum, the Netherlands, just 27 days before the multi-instrumentalist died.

If he were alive, Dolphy might very well be surprised at all the attention being lavished on him, given the difficulty parts of the jazz establishment had in understanding him during his lifetime. That failure reveals itself in the elementary nature of the questions the late critic Leonard Feather asked of Dolphy in an undated interview, an audio excerpt of which appears at adale.org, a website operated by neuroscientist Alan Saul.

Feather’s questions largely revolve around the move away from improvisation based strictly on harmonic progressions. Feather, with his mellifluous British intonation, asks: “If your foundation is not a chord sequence, which is what the traditional basis of jazz was, then what is the foundation?”

Dolphy, in earthier tones, replies: “Some things you play are not based on chords, they’re based on freedom of sound. You start with one line and you keep inventing as you go along.”

The gap in perspective remains wide throughout the excerpt, with little apparent prospect for a narrowing. Though Dolphy always showed great respect for all jazz traditions — the anthropomorphic cries he wrung from his horns consciously harked back to the early days of jazz in New Orleans — those who knew him said he was too iconoclastic to operate within the straight and narrow strictures of jazz convention.

“He was constantly bending,” Smith said. “That’s what got him into so much difficulty. You upset the natural thing, people get upset.”

These days, when so much of Dolphy’s vocabulary has been absorbed into the jazz lexicon, it seems hard to grasp what the upset was all about. While no one knows how he would have evolved, Davis said that, at the time of his death, Dolphy was working on music for string quartets. He would have been well prepared for such a task: The vivid intimations of Third Stream stylings on Dolphy’s 1960 album Out There, with Ron Carter on cello and George Duvivier on bass, suggest that the string quartet would have become another in the varied box of tools with which he reached out to new groups of listeners in fresh ways.

“He certainly knew how to put the music across,” Davis said. DB

Basin Street Blues

Art Ensemble of Chicago - The John Litweiler Interview

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


"Once you've heard the Art Ensemble of Chicago it's hard not to appreciate the zaniness, sobriety and universality of their music. Once the music gets to you, you find yourself anxiously awaiting the next installment."
- JAZZ TIMES October, 1980


With the release over the holidays of ECM's 21-CD box set Art Ensemble Of Chicago And Associated Ensembles and the notification of the passing of Joseph Jarman, a prominent member of the AEC, on January 9, 2019, the Art Ensemble of Chicago has been very much on my mind in recent days.

While reflecting on the AEC, I remembered that John B. Litweiler had contributed another of his masterful interviews about the group to Downbeat, so I sought it out so to share it on these pages.

What follows appeared in the magazine’s 1972 Music Annual under the title - The Art Ensemble of Chicago - There Won’t Be Anymore Music.

As you read the piece, please keep in mind that it was written almost a half century ago.

"You know, someday soon there won't be any more music. Oh, there'll still be musicians, but they'll only be playing in their homes, in their living rooms, for their families and other friends. Money! That's what it's all about."—Roscoe Mitchell. Oct. 1, 1971

The Art Ensemble of Chicago began in fall of 1968, when the Roscoe Mitchell Ensemble (Lester Bowie, trumpet; Mitchell, alto sax, woodwinds; Malachi Favors, bass; all, percussion) added altoist-woodwind soloist Joseph Jarman.
Since late 1961, Jarman and Mitchell had performed frequently together in several Chicago groups and had realized that their destinies paralleled. Over the years Jarman had sought a poised, lyrical, dramatic art. Mitchell, no less dramatic, consciously seated a more melodic, expressive and complexly internally structured music with various partners — Favors, Bowie, trombonist Lester Lashley, tenorist Maurice Mclntyre, drummer Philip Wilson — who shared his ideals.

The parallel concepts of drama, the common philosophies of what jazz is and ought to be, and the years of rehearsing and sometimes  performing together brought about the union of Jarman and the Mitchell group. Also known as "Joseph Jarman and Company" and "The Lester Bowie Quartet" on  occasion, the Art Ensemble of Chicago performed usually in their hometown for small fees at concerts they set up themselves. In June 1969 they and their array of instruments sailed to France (Jarman: "On the S.S. United States — Zoom!"). Bowie and  his family found a country estate near Paris, and for nearly two years the Art Ensemble lived there. In that time they recorded 11 LPs, three movie soundtracks, and performed in hundreds of concerts throughout France, Germany, Holland. Italy, Scandinavia.

Along the way Mitchell, Jarman, Bowie and Favors added a young drummer, Don Moye (who came from Detroit). The Art Ensemble of Chicago established its reputation once and for all in Europe, winning a handful of awards from European societies and magazines, and from America's DownBeat. In order to return home in April of 1971, the Art Ensemble had to peddle masters of material they had recorded on their own initiative.

Joseph Jarman: (Born Sept. 14, 1937, in Pine Bluff, Ark) moved to Chicago at an early age. I had always been interested in music, because my uncle was a jazz fan —  Illinois Jacquet, Lester Young, Nat Cole, Basie, Ellington. World War II—they came out of the Army and brought all of that music. They were even into Charlie Parker in 1946. I went to DuSable (high school) about 1954 and started to study drums with (Captain) Walter Dyett. And then I didn't study them again. Then I went off into space. I went into the Army, and I had to get out of the line, so I bought a saxophone and got me a saxophone teacher and learned the fundamentals and auditioned for the Army band. I stayed there for about a year and a half. I started to study clarinet because they had too many saxophones.

Then I got out of the Army and wandered around for a couple of years. I went to discover America. I had an alto saxophone, but I wasn't playing it. I went all over the United States and hung out in the Sierra mountains in northern Mexico. I sat in with jazz bands and blues bands as I went around. There's nothing but blues bands in the Southwest — it was Southwestern, Ornette Coleman blues, all rural — backbeat, simple structures. But I was going through a whole lot of changes, so I wasn't really dealing with my music.

I didn't start doing my music until I came back to Chicago and started school. That's where I met Mitchell and Favors and (Anthony) Braxton: Wilson Junior College. I used to be into the Student Peace Union, that kind of thing, during those times. I've always been interested in politics, but now I'm more toward the left in a nationalistic way, black nationalism. But we, the Art Ensemble, we're not about politics.

John Litweiler: (To Roscoe Mitchell.) Were you a good singer at the age of eight?

Roscoe Mitchell: (Born Aug. 3, 1940, Chicago.) Certainly. I used to imitate all the dudes, Nat King Cole, Billy Eckstine, Louis Armstrong — I even imitated Mario Lanza.
Jarman: You can hear him singing in A Jackson in Your House (BYG 529. 302, a French LP).

Mitchell: I always wanted to be a musician, and I didn't want to be a singer. It wasn't rare to see jazz records and artists and stuff in the house when I was growing up. I was very young when I first heard Billie Holiday. My mother and uncle were into that kind of bag.

I played baritone sax in the high school dance band, and I didn't really get into the alto until my senior year. Then I played baritone and alto in an Army band. There were a couple of places in Germany where we could play. I played a rock gig during the Fasching season—it's like Halloween, except it goes a week or two. Everybody is drinking and partying in the streets. When I got out of the Army, in July of 1961, me and Joseph and (tenorist Henry) Threadgill and this fellow Richard Smith playing drums, Louis Hall, piano, we had a group for a long time. We were into Art Blakey charts and things like that. Wayne Shorter was my man — Joseph and them used to dig 'Trane, but I used to dig Wayne Shorter.

Litweiler: Joseph Jarman, what were you playing like then?

Jarman: Well, I was just trying to play changes. (Considerable laughter from Mitchell. Jarman and Malachi Favors.)

Mitchell: People didn't really listen to us much. Threadgill stopped playing for a while — oh, he played, but he was just playing in church. He was going through some changes. Favors and I were going to school together. I don't remember playing with another bass player, other than Maurice Chappelle and somebody else.

Favors: When I first heard you, you were sounding like Bird.

Jarman: Favors didn't even speak to us, because he was in the union.
Brother Malachi Favors: (Born Aug. 22, 1937.) Into being in this universe some 43,000 years ago. Moved around and then was ordered to this planet Earth by the higher forces, Allah De Lawd Thank You Jesus Good God a Mighty, through the Precious Channels of Brother Isaac and Sister Maggie Mayfield Favors; of 10.

Landed in Chicago by way of Lexington, Miss., Aug. 22—5:30 a.m. for the purpose of serving my duty as a Music Messenger... ALL PRAISE.

That announcement just sums everything up, and anyone who wants to do an article on me, that's it. I started playing music just after I finished high school. My people were very religious people, and they kept me in church most of the time. They were very strict. (Favors' father is a pastor.) I considered that a form of brainwashing, because they had been taught that certain great black music was evil, wrong. I never had any aspirations of becoming a musician. I remember once at church, I was about 15. I went up and touched a bass, and it was so hard to pull the strings down, I said, "Ohh, I'll never do this."

Music was just something that grabbed me all of a sudden. I started right off in music — I was playing professionally a month after I got my bass. When it grabbed me, I wasn't sincere — it was a thing to be seen; then it was, how much prestige can I get from the music? But then I got hooked, which was the primary object of the forces that grabbed me in the first place. Now I'm not up there playing for the girls.

I initially was inspired by the bebops — Charlie Parker, Oscar Pettiford, all those people. I got to know Wilbur Ware after I got started; he was my main man. He had it, it was just inspirational. The first time I went to his house, he had a drummer down there and he asked me to play with this drummer. This was a very good drummer, and I got up and I just was not into it at all. Those were very depressing days. I guess it's like that with every musician, you know, coming up, he doesn't think he ever will play.

(In 1958, Favors recorded an album with pianist Andrew Hill: they played together about two years. Favors supported himself by playing with popular Chicago pianists and organists over the years; he met Roscoe Mitchell in the autumn of 1961, and AACM [Association for the Advancement of Creative Musicians mentor [Mulhal] Richard Abrams shortly thereafter. Throughout the early 1960s, Abrams' big Experimental Band, the source of the AACM by 1965, regularly included Jarman, Mitchell and Favors. By then Mitchell, with Favors and Jarman, had begun work with their own groups, and a "dust-biting" trumpeter, Lester Bowie from St. Louis, had settled on Chicago's North Side.)

Lester Bowie: (Born Oct. 11, 1941, Frederick, Md.) I first heard "Ambassador Satch" (Columbia CL-840, now out of print) I guess I was about 13. I read the story of how Louis Armstrong got with King Oliver, so I used to practice with my horn aiming out the window, hoping that Louis Armstrong would ride by and hear me and hire me to play with him. I turned professional when I was about 15. I had a band; it was a combination of maybe Dixieland and boogie-woogie and rhythm-and-blues types; the instrumentation was trumpet, alto, piano, sousaphone and an occasional drummer. We played a kind of square music there compared to bebop; a lot of real hepcats didn't dig us. I started hanging around this trumpet player named Bobby Danzier, who was big in St. Louis — he and Miles came up together, and he had the same kind of approach. But I still didn't want to be a musician — I'd say, I'm doing this because I'm young; when I'm older I'm going to be a lawyer or something.

I was playing all through school, all through service (with the Air Force Police), with bands, blues bands. The thing that really sent me out there was Kenny Durham and Hank Mobley, the Jazz Messengers record with "Soft Wind,""Prince Albert,""Minor's Holiday." Kenny Dorham sounded so hip, and Bobby Danzier years before had been telling me about having context in your playing, and being soulful. I decided then that when I got out I wouldn't do anything but just play.

[After the service, I] played around in St. Louis for another minute or so, and then went to school. Once I decided to deal music, that's about all I did. I don't think I ever bought a book. (Bowie spent a year at North Texas State, mostly performing throughout Texas with tenorists Fathead Newman, James Clay and roommate Billy Harper.) They play it up because it's the great institute of jazz, or some business. I ended up flunking out. After that, I figured, enough — the only good school for a musician is the road.

(Bowie traveled the Midwest with a blues backup band.) We ended up getting stranded in Denver. We were supposed to work for Solomon Burke — anyway, we worked two weeks at this club, and then the union man came. You know how the unions are, like gangsters. Our cards weren't that straight, so we had to give him some money. Then he said, ‘Be out of town by the time sunrise comes,' so I went to California. Me and altoist Oliver Lake and drummer Philip Wilson (both St. Louis contemporaries of Bowie) hung out for a long time in Los Angeles.

I met Fonty (popular singer Fontella Bass, now Mrs. Bowie) while I was with Oliver Sain, a St. Louis bandleader-producer. I started directing her music, I think it must have been late '65, then we moved to Chicago. (A friend took him to an Abrams rehearsal in June 1966.) I felt right immediately. Kind of like being at home. Richard had me take a solo, and as soon as we finished everybody came over, Roscoe and Joseph gave me their phone numbers right away, and then that same night Roscoe called amd wanted me to do a concert with him. We started rehearsing the next day.

The years 1966 and '67 were crucial to these players. By fall 1966 Bowie's partner, Philip Wilson, had joined the Roscoe Mitchell Art Ensemble and proved to be the catalyst in the development of a highly sophisticated group identity. Mitchell had been experimenting with bells, whistles, harmonicas and gourds as rhythmic and primarily sonoric effects in his music. Wilson's dynamic and rhythmic sensitivity, his graceful skill and volatility, made him the perfect accompanist; during that period he was surely the leading drummer in the New Music. Bowie and Favors were inspired to add "little instruments" to their collections. The astonishing variations of themes, structures, sounds and contexts conceived by Mitchell in this period remain a landmark achievement.

Wilson participated in the Mitchell group’s visuals. For example, one concert opened with a player, accompanied by Favors' banjo, fox-trotting with a huge Raggedy Ann doll, followed by an angry, shotgun-toting Wilson. Another found a Wilson mallet applied to cymbals, snares and Favors' head, until the bassist collapsed in a mock faint.

Two LPs made a year apart without Wilson demonstrate how the Mitchell group's music grew during Wilson's nine-month tenure. The exploratory, intense Sound (Delmark 9408) is a bit cautious with the unconventional instruments, while Lester Bowie—Numbers 1 & 2 (Nessa 1) from August 1967 was confident in its highly detailed group improvisation structures and by now beautifully conceived flow of sound. But a month earlier Wilson had abandoned jazz almost completely; since then he has had a successful career in rock 'n' roll.

Bowie: When you take an important part out, the music has to make compensations. It was more of a challenge without him. In the next concert we had a bit where the telephone rang and we answered and said. "Philip's not here." It was a drag to lose him, but things still go on. We added a lot; the instruments started building up. We used to have just a little bit, and now we have a whole housefull.

Mitchell: I felt that the music was in a very sensitive period, and most of the drummers I was digging just weren't melodic enough to be dealing what we were dealing.

(There were no limitations to the group's scope. One performance might present free ensemble improvisation, shifting within subtly structured areas, such as "Number 1"; the next might include a series of songs, usually Mitchell's: vaguely Mingus-like lines, a rock piece, a samba, a bop line, a Favors banjo piece, "Muskrat Ramble.")

Bowie: With Roscoe. there was no limitation about what you could deal from. You wouldn't have to play something melodic all the time, or something fast all the time. It was a combination of any kind of way you could do it. It was the only group I had seen that I could do anything I wanted without feeling self-conscious.

Jarman had acquired a youthful quartet (Christopher Gaddy, piano; Charles Clark, bass; Thurman Barker, drums) which had achieved a range of conscious romanticism quite unique and marvelous in free jazz, based in large degree on Gaddy's original harmonic relationships. Jarman's personal accomplishments were twofold: as composer he scored successfully, brilliantly in an extended-work idiom (most notably in Causes II and Winter Playground 1965 with a large group — among free jazzmen only Ornette Coleman has approached Jarman's success within near-classical forms), and as alto saxophonist he offered an idealized style of astonishing virtuosity, lyric sensitivity and often expressive wit. Like Mitchell, Jarman had acquired "little instruments," though Jarman's presentation was simpler and more formularized. Throughout the years there were flamboyant multi-media Jarman works, with dancers, poets, actors, even films.

In summer 1967 Gaddy was hospitalized for a heart ailment, and a doctor warned him against "music and other strenuous exercise." Gaddy died the following March. The prodigious Charles Clark was a near virtuoso, basically bearing Mingus' principles of creation into free jazz; as Terry Martin wrote: "His solos... can also attain an almost unequalled emotional intensity for this instrument." My own introduction to the variety and wonder of Chicago Civic Symphony immediately recall that awe. He left Jarman in late 1968 to work with Chicago's Civic Symphony. His April 1969 death was a shocking blow. Clark was only 24. The Chicago Civic Symphony immediately inaugurated a Charles Clark Memorial Scholarship for young musicians.

By autumn 1968 the Roscoe Mitchell Art Ensemble was in a state of musical and professional flux. Jarman joined at this time.

Jarman: When Christopher and Charles vanished. I went through a very emotional thing. It really wiped me away, and it was a very heavy emotional thing. I mean, I felt and they felt that many of our tenets were common about what music is; they were the only musicians around. Although Thurman (Barker) was still on the scene, we weren't strong enough to make a thing, because of what we emotionally and psychologically put into the music with Christopher and Charles. So Lester and Malachi and Roscoe saw the state I was in. and they knew I was going to just flip on out, so they hit on me to play a concert. I played it, and it was very good, so then there was another concert and a couple other concerts. Finally we realized that we all had this vital thing in common.

Litweiler: Why did the musicians move to France?

Mitchell: We always felt we wanted to spread the music out. I mean, me myself; I don't want to sit in one place all the time. You can call it a missionary thing, if you want.

Favors: I went because the group went. I really didn't want to go, but I wanted to stay with the Art Ensemble. I was overruled. I felt that it might have been a little more difficult but that we could have made it here. Going to Europe still is not a gas to me.

Bowie: We were always interested in reaching out to more and more people, getting the AACM's name out there. For years before, we had traveled more than anyone else here (in their Chicago years they worked briefly in New York, San Francisco, Detroit, Toronto. St. Louis). The only other place to go was to Europe. We had to live, and we wanted to live by playing music. We weren't working that much around here.

We just left. We worked maybe the second day we were there, at a place called the Lucienaire, a small theater. Immediately we got a lot of attention — like, L'Express, that's like Time magazine, and Paris-Match, all the papers were immediately interested. The next week we did a recording. We used the Lucienaire for a base about three weeks, maybe, and the people would come from all over. Some would say, "Come to here and do a concert," and we'd go there and return to the Lucienaire. We dealt from there.

We did 35 concerts in 1970 for the French Ministry of Culture. Every little town, could be a town of 50,000 people, they've got a big opera house somewhere where they bring in different arts, and they were interested in our music, along with symphony orchestras, ballets, anything. And black music, too. France is just about the most advanced country for the music that I can think of.

Jarman: One of the important things the European experience did was to open my eyes up to a broader world. Being exposed to and in the midst of other cultures and other thoughts and other musics allowed a perspective on myself and my society that I never would have realised before. Meeting, for example, African musicians and their attitudes about music.

Bowie: We played all over Europe. Our situation in Europe was completely unique among groups; the way we carried ourselves, the way we conducted our business. Most cats were in the regular jazz thing: you come, get a hotel room, and blah blah blah. But we had children, a dog; we lived in the country. It was unusual because most of the jazz cats were sitting around Paris, and we had a nice big estate, cherry trees and apple trees, ha... I was leading up to how we traveled: we had equipment; as we traveled, instead of squandering our money, we would collectively get together and buy things that the group needed— instruments and equipment. We had a Volkswagen, and we bought two more trucks over there, and this let us be mobile. No other group over there had any kind of mobility. We could travel anywhere, and this is mostly, I think, the reason we were so successful. We could be hired for Germany; all we had to do was pack and come over, whereas to a lot of groups it would have meant trains and planes. We spent the whole summer of 1970 just traveling. We did radio and TV concerts all over.

Radio and TV over there is all state-owned, so there was always somebody who worked on the station and could get us a job doing a program. In France alone we did about six TV shows and about six or eight radio concerts. Some were live, like from Chateauvallon; it was an arts festival, but the show was just us. They take the music much more seriously than they do over here.

Jarman: Of course, you know how Don Moye got with the group.

Favors: One Saturday night we were doing a gig at the American Center for Students in Arts in Paris. I saw this cat with two conga drums, and I said, "This cat's from Africa"— the African cats were on opposite us, you know. So he came over and just set his drums up. I said, "Somebody bring me a soda"— he said, "Yeah, bring me one, too." Then we heard him play, and we said, "Hey, this cat's bad, ain't he." Then he was playing with Steve Lacy, and I went down and saw him playing trap drums.

Don Moye: (Born May 23, 1946, Rochester, M.Y.) I was going to Wayne State University in Detroit, '66, '65.I was playing with Detroit Free Jazz; we were just young guys. I took some percussion classes, but I wasn't a music major. Those music schools, whew. I used to go over there, and nobody even looked like they were into anything. I couldn't even find anybody to play with, hardly, in that music department. But there were plenty musicians around Detroit.

I used to go over to (trumpeter) Charles Moore's house, he used to show me a whole lot of stuff. Everybody used to go over there to see what was happening. I met Jarman in Detroit, at the Artists' Workshop. I also worked on Guerilla (published by Artist Workshop Affiliates) — I was circulation manager on that. That was a good magazine. (Moye was in the Artists' Workshop the evening of the famous mass arrests.) Everybody who got took in spent their little time in jail. Just a plumb outrageous number. 54 or 60. They just wanted to put John Sinclair out of the picture... I was kind of disillusioned with the Detroit situation, because the whole musical direction was changing. They were going more heavily into the rock thing. By that time Charles Moore and all the cats had disappeared, so there really wasn't anybody on the scene for inspiration.

We (Detroit Free Jazz, a quartet) just went out to Europe — we got it together when we got there. We went to Copenhagen first; we got our first gig in Switzerland. We arrived in May '68, and by June we were playing all over... A gig fell through in Milano, Italy, so we went to Yugoslavia to see what was happening. We were musicians, so they probably figured we were pretty harmless. But we knew they were following us the whole time. At the end, the sequence of events was, I recognized this cat on numerous occasions.

Litweiler: He never spoke to you?

Moye: Naw, there wasn't too much to say. If his job is to follow you. he's going to follow you. They watch Americans. Plus, it was the ninth Annual Communist Convention or something — all these big, wheels in town. There were all these police and soldiers around everywhere. (This was in the winter of 1968-'69.) It was in Tangiers that we got tired of cops, again. Randy Weston got us out of the country. The Moroccan cats, they're mean ones, and if they want to hold you. they'll just hold you. We were all on the boat when they picked one of the cats and said, "No, you can't go." They put him right back on shore. Randy Weston went to these heads of, ah, they were high up in the structure, and had them put him back on the boat. It was weird.

(Before meeting the Art Ensemble in Paris, Moye worked with Steve Lacy in Rome.)

Move: He's one of those prolific cats. When he was in Italy, he was doing a lot of writing — and a lot of starving, I imagine. We didn't work but three concerts in four months, and he was there two years before that ... I was over there two years and 11 months.

Bowie: We had one session where we called in the strings from the Paris Opera. Roscoe had written the string music. They were used to playing the regular whole notes and stuff. They got there and could not play it. We had to cancel that session. Then we got the string players from the Paris  Conservatory. Well, they didn't smoke it, but they played it. They were younger; the avant-garde string players, you know. That was really a funny day when those cats couldn't play that music.

(The December 1969  Baden-Baden Free Jazz Meeting found Bowie, Jarman, Mitchell and Chicago drummer Steve McCall joining a selected group of expatriate and European musicians to record new music for television.)

Jarman: Both Mitchell and I took compositions to the Baden-Baden recording. They required the musicians to use some musical skills, you know — like reading notes off the page. And these great European musicians, they say, "Oh, that's difficult," so we couldn't deal our compositions. We tried to rehearse, and they were not capable of reading the music. We just put it in our briefcases until we could get to Chicago and struggle through it with the AACM big band.

There ain't no European jazz musicians, unfortunately. If you check their music and check them, you'll find their roots are right here. You'll find they're copying the best black styles they can. They can get to certain levels of things, as far as mechanics are concerned, but the innate core is beyond them, and they never will be able to grasp it. Unfortunately. They may be able to get the meat, but not the bone the meat is on. Black music just contains properties that their heritage and culture does not have!

Favors: People over there beat us out of all our money; they haven't paid us yet for what we've done. Why do you think we're poor now? If you make movies and records, you should have money. These people haven't even paid us our royalties. We're members of this organization culled SACEM — it handles all the affairs of artists, period. It's supposed to be much better than BMI; in fact, Johnny Griffin swears by it. SACEM tells us, "Well, you'll get your money here." then they say. "Well, the money is here," but we never get it. There's always a later date. It's a worldwide organization; they have a branch here, but this branch tells us that we have to collect from Paris. We had a contract with BYG. they were supposed to buy us a Volkswagen bus. We never got that.

Jarman: Racism in Europe is just as bad as it is here.

Bowie: Oh, yes, yes, yes, yes. That is the home; the original racists came from Europe. My personal feeling is that the reason more Europeans are open to black music is that they don't have that large black population to contend with. Art is enlightenment for people. In the States, you have millions of blacks, so the Man isn't too interested in promoting black art because he's got that lower-class population that may learn something. In Europe they don't have any fear of anything like that.

Favors: In France they don't have black people to worry about like they do here. Consequently they go all out. They sent me a statement — I'm not even a citizen — asking me if I needed any assistance. That statement would have given me the right to go to a doctor and everything else — that's right! And over here they're just killing people about this little money they're giving them: it's a big thing because you're getting a few pennies from the government, and it's only because you're black. If they didn't have black people, they wouldn't even think about the relief.

Jarman: The music doesn't have any association with the interpretations some writers put on it. What's the spirit of that to you when you see us painting our faces? A lot of people like to suggest this has to do with a militant attitude, when in fact it's a tribal attitude. The mask, in African culture, functions to alleviate human beings so the spiritual aspects of things can come through. When people check this out, they have a real warm feeling. Then this other person comes and tells them. "Well, it's about war paint, it's not a love feeling," and they get these contradictory vibrations.

Litweiler: Do the musicians feel better about playing back home?

Mitchell: We're still not getting our asking price. I mean, we might get one gig, but that means we turned down about six. So on the average, we're really not getting anything. We don't produce concerts ourselves any more, except with the AACM. We want money, and we're willing to negotiate. We want you to print: A fair amount of money for the Art Ensemble, you dig? Stop fooling yourself, get us some money.

Favors: I mean, what did they have coming down to Bloomington, Ind., after us? Nitty Gritty Dirt Band — $3,000, or more than that, you know.

Jarman: We got that award from DownBeat, and somebody told us we'd get a lot of gigs that way. We had to laugh about that.

Bowie: We've just received a grant from the Missouri Arts Council to perform a series of concerts in Missouri, along with other groups from BAG (the St. Louis Black Artists Group). They come five concerts in a series, and we're attempting to be funded for about three more series. Illinois has something like that here, but this is a much bigger place, and you've got much more happening, more graft and things. The Art Ensemble is the outside element of BAG.

BAG was formed by cats who grew up together, Oliver Lake, (drummer) Jerome-Harris Jr., (altoist) Julius Hemphill. We're kind of proud of that, because we've got our own building, all that business, and the bebop cats never achieved that; they have to play in taverns and what have you. BAG's inspiration was the AACM; they've achieved some things that the AACM hasn't achieved merely because it's a smaller place; it's easier to break through.

Jarman: There's a magazine that the AACM is going to publish. This is just my opinion, you know — for what I see as part of my contribution to the Art Ensemble of Chicago is that we are becoming interested in speaking of the depths of the music, the conditions of our lives — I mean, we are hungry, poor, we need money to survive, all this, and people should know that instead of trying to politicize our work, instead of trying to construct moralistic or movement values off of what we're dealing, that it should be looked at from an internal perspective.

Litweiler: Would something like a Ministry of Culture and the French Culture Houses work here?

Mitchell: They have them, but it's not for black people. A lot of rich communities in America have the facilities for people in the community — you see them all the time. The thing about Lincoln Center [in Chicago] was that was in the black community. I remember Lincoln Center from back when I was going to high school.

(Now razed, Lincoln Center was the drafty old settlement house where the AACM gave concerts throughout the 1960s.)
Litweiler: Do you feel that the center, if it were French, would have been government-supported?

Mitchell: Oh, yes. But it wouldn't be like that, it would be a brand-new building. Don't think for a minute that the States are a slouch and don't have anything happening. I think they do a bit more in St. Louis than they do in Chicago. The Missouri Council of the Arts, yeah. The experience I've had with that is that the Council will start off doing like this here [raises his hand|. and then it goes right on downhill. But they do give them something. They paid for this building BAG has for a year or so. A lot of things are more available there that the musicians here have to seek for themselves.

Jarman: The writers had a great deal to do with destroying the reality of the music when they started giving it labels and titles. A lot of musicians think that free jazz means you just ... OK, somebody gave me this instrument, but I'm a free-jazz player, see, so it's true and proper that this is the music [he strums a lute at random |. That kind of view is prevalent, there's lots of people who think that even in 1971.

Exhausted from the wars of getting their music before the public, the Art Ensemble has settled down for the time being. Bowie and his family live in a suburb in St. Louis; the other four live in an 1892 townhouse, one of Chicago's first, with a basement full of trunks and equipment and a whole floor, the kitchen excepted, set up with musical instruments. In back sit two German Ford trucks, both out of commission; parts are unavailable here. In its homeland, the Art Ensemble, since April 1971, has presented concerts in Lenox, Mass.; Bloomington. Ind.; and Chicago. That's all.

As individuals, the five have performed throughout the summer and fall with the BAG band in St. Louis (including a television show) and the AACM big band in Chicago. The situation is sorrowful. Judging from recordings, the early potential of a Jarman-Mitchell-Bowie-Favors union has recurringly been fulfilled. People in Sorrow (Nessa 3), their 1969 French prize-winning work, and Les Stances a Sophie (Nessa 4), a French film soundtrack, are now available in the U.S.; certain specialty stores import the somewhat excellent BYG recordings; one American LP, Phase One, has been issued in France.

It is redundant to point out that these men are among the small handful of seminal musicians to appear in the post-Ornette Coleman era of jazz. Their music, based on full use of as much sonoric variation as possible within essentially melodic and usually complex structures, still seems the way of the future. The Art Ensemble is an entity of five diverse minds directed toward realizing, in instrumental interplay, the only true ensemble music in many years, and perhaps the most challenging ensemble music in all of jazz.

The Art Ensemble needs to perform, on the same basis that other jazz groups perform; its requests are not unreasonable. The fact that they are not able to do so is a crime.”




Monk on Monk as told to Valerie Wilmer

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


Here’s a rarity: an interview with Thelonious Monk in which he actually says something about himself and his music.

I suspect the fact that Valerie Wilmer was the interviewer had something to do with the success of the interlocution.

Val Wilmer was born in Harrogate, Yorkshire, England, on 7 December 1941. As soon as World War II was over, her family returned to living in London.[ She began her life in the jazz world by listening to pre-war recordings of jazz classics, being led to many important recordings through Rudi Blesh's Shining Trumpets, a History of Jazz, and Jazz by Rex Harris.

Aware of the earliest records of jazz and blues, Wilmer began to write about Jazz and other African-American music, focusing on the political and social messages of the music. Her first article (a biography of Jesse Fuller) appeared in Jazz Journal in May 1959 when she was still only 17.

Since 1959, she has interviewed hundreds of musicians, written previews and criticism. Her work has been cited and used in research for many books, articles and films, including several biographies of major musicians. Her early interviews with Earle Warren Lee Young, and Paul "Polo" Barnes are cited in Douglas Henry Daniels'Biography of Lester Young. Interviews with Thelonious Monk, Nellie Monk and Billy Higgins are cited in Robin D. G. Kelley's biography of Thelonious Monk. Other examples of the use of Wilmer's early interviews include "Texas Trombone: Henry Coker" in Dave Oliphant's books Texan Jazz and Jazz Mavericks of the Lone Star State.

She was a member of the advisory board for The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz (2nd edition), edited by Barry Kernfeld, and the author of 63 entries.She has written more than 35 articles for the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. The British Library Sound Archive contains 35 of Wilmer's interviews with black British musicians and women musicians in its Oral History of Jazz in Britain.[31]

Wilmer is as important a photographer as she is a writer, having worked with hundreds of singers, jazz musicians and writers, and she has taken noted photographs of artists such as Langston Hughes, Louis Armstrong, John Coltrane, and Duke Ellington. Her photographs were exhibited at the Victoria and Albert Museum (V&A) in the 1973 exhibition Jazz Seen: The Face of Black Music, and form part of the V&A's photographic collection. Her photographs are also held in the National Portrait Gallery collection.

The following interview appeared in the June 3, 1965 edition of Downbeat.

“Now it's Monk's time. Times have been bad for the eccentric genius and the work all but nonexistent.

But he's famous now. He appears in the slicks, he wears £150 suits and stays at the best hotels. But as his wife, Nellie, says, "He's no more impressed with himself than he was in the dark days."

Music is his life, and he appears to be concerned with little else outside of it, himself and his family. If he ever thinks of the way of the world, he rarely shows it. Speaking of Monk the composer, Quincy Jones summed it up: "Thelonious is one of the main influences in modern jazz composition, but he is not familiar with many classical works, or with much life outside himself, and I think because of this he did not create on a contrived or inhibited basis."

An interview with Monk takes patience, but while he was on a European tour recently, he had more time than usual to relax. In London, there was opportunity to find out the way he feels about his music and other subjects.

"I started to take up trumpet as a kid, but I didn't play it," he began tentatively. "I always wanted to play the piano, and jazz appealed to me. I just like evey aspect of it. You can try so many things with jazz. I was about 11 or something like that when I started, and I used to play with all the different side bands when I was a teenager."

Did he ever think he might become a world-famous jazz pianist?

"Well, that's what I was aiming at."

Although he received classical training. Monk plays "incorrectly." with his hands held parallel to the keyboard. He doesn't stab at the keys the way some imagine. It's a flowing thing.

Was he ever taught to hold his hands in the formal manner?

"That's how you're supposed to?" he asked, wide-eyed. "I hold them any way I feel like holding them. I hit the piano with my elbow sometimes because of a certain sound I want to hear, certain chords. You can't hit that many notes with your hands. Sometimes people laugh when I'm doing that. Yeah, let 'em laugh! They need something to laugh at."

Monk lived with his parents off and on until his marriage, an unusual pattern for a jazz musician, although he claims. "I don't know what other people are doing — I just know about me. I cut out from home when I was a teenager and went on the road for about two years."

His mother, who was particularly proud of her well-behaved son, sang in the choir at the local Baptist church in New York City, where the family lived; whenever she had a leading part. Thelonious would accompany her on piano. And she would visit the dives where he worked.

"My mother never figured I should do anything else," Monk said. "She was with me. If I wanted to play music, it was all right with her, and Nellie is the same way.

"Yeah, I played in the Baptist church, and I'll tell you something else — I worked with the evangelists for some time, too. The music I played with them seems to be coming out today. They're playing a lot of it now. I did two years all over the States; playing in the churches was a lot of fun. When I got through. I'd had enough of church, though. I was in there practically every night. But I always did play jazz. In the churches I was playing music the same way. I wouldn't say I'm religious, but I haven't been around the churches in a good while so I don't know what they're putting down in there now."

Of Minton's, the Harlem club long held the incubator of bop, Monk, like others of his fellow iconoclasts of the time who played there, declared that the music "just happened. I was working there, so the others just used to come down and play with me. I guess they dug what I was doing. It was always crowded there, people enjoying themselves all the time. What I was doing was just the way I was thinking. I wasn't thinking about trying to change the course of jazz. I was just trying to play something that sounded good. I never used to talk about it with other people, but I believe the other musicians did. It just happened."

For a long time the pianist found it difficult to obtain work, but he says with typical Monkish nonchalance. "I didn't notice it too much. I had certain things to do. I wasn't starving."

Nellie, whom he married in 1947, was a great help and comfort through the lean years. She worked at a variety of clerical jobs and when she was pregnant with their first child. Thelonious Jr., used to take in sewing.

"Music to him is work," she said. "When he wasn't working regularly, he'd be working at home, writing and rehearsing bands that didn't have the prospects of a dog. He just did it to know what it'd sound like. In the 'un' years, as I call them, as far as he was concerned, he felt just as confident as he does now that what he was doing musically could appeal to other people if only they took the opportunity to listen. We live music every day. Thelos has never attempted to do anything else except play music. He's always been optimistic."Her husband confirmed this: "How can I be anything other than what I am?"

A couple of years ago soprano saxophonist Steve Lacy declared his intention to limit his repertoire to Monk tunes, of which there were almost 60 then.

"Yeah, I heard he was doing that," Monk said. "But I haven't heard him yet. I guess if anybody wants to do that, it's OK." He says he has no particular favorites among his many compositions and that the unusual names for many of them "just come to me," He composes at the piano sometimes, though more often than not he has a melody running around in his head. Although he said, "You have to stay home and relax to write the music," his wife commented, "He thinks about music all the time when he's not talking. He may be able to compose in a room full of people, just standing there. I don't know anybody else who can just withdraw like that. He has a marvelous capacity for withdrawal."

This withdrawal includes not speaking to his wife for days on end, "unless he wants me to fetch something," and she will only break the silence if she has something urgent to tell him.

"Even then he might not reply or show that he's heard," she said, "but in emergencies his reactions are very fast-He's more contained than most people and, therefore, more helpful than someone who fall apart and goes to pieces."

When he is writing. Monk said he does not think of the actual notes or the effect his finished work will have on his audience.

"I'm just thinking about the music," he added. "You think about everything else automatically. I think about what anyone else does."

And what does he think of the public? "I think very highly of the public. I think they're capable of knowing if something sounds all right. I figure that if it sounds all right to me, it sounds all right to them."

The pianist has lived in the same place for 30 years. It's a small, undistinguished apartment on New York's West 63rd Street, and he is very attached to it.

"There's nothing special about it," he said, "but I guess I'll always keep it."
He once remarked that if he couldn't live in New York, he'd rather be on the moon, but he denies this tongue-in-cheek statement:

"Did I say that? Can't remember it. I don't know what's happening on the moon, but I know what's happening in New York. I like New York City. I haven't been anywhere that tops it yet.

"I have to listen to New York; I live there. I wasn't born there, but I've been living there all my life. [Monk was born in Rocky Mount, N.C.] You can't shut the sound out too easily; you always hear some kind of noise going on. I guess all sort of things have an effect on what you 're writing. But I was raised in New York, and it's home to me. That's what I dig about it. You want to know what sound I put into my music — well, you have to go to New York and listen for yourself. I can't describe them. How do you expect me to describe to you right here how New York sounds? How does London sound? Can you tell me how it sounds — huh?"

Onstage, Monk often will rise from the piano stool and stand listening intently to the other soloists, swaying slightly in what has been termed Monk's dance. He gets exasperated over comments on such aspects of his behavior.

"What's that I'm supposed to be doing?" he demanded. "I get tired sitting down at the piano! That way I can dig the rhythm better. Somebody's got something to say about everything you do!

"I miss a lot of things that are written about me. I don't read papers. I don't read magazines. Of course, I'm interested in what's going on in music, but I'm not interested in what somebody else is writing or anything like that. I don't let that bug me. In fact, I don't see those 'columns' or whatever you call 'em. People write all kinds of jive.

"I've got a wife and two kids to take care of, and I have to make some money and see that they eat and sleep, and me, too — you dig? What happens 'round the corner, what happens to his family is none of my business. I have to take care of my family. But I'll help a lot of people, and I have.... But I don't go around... (asking]: 'What's the matter with you?' No! I'm not interested in what's happening nowhere. Are you worried about what's happening to everybody? Why do you ask me that? Why should I be worried?  You're not! Why do you ask me a stupid question like that? Something you don't dig yourself? I don't be around the corner, looking into everybody's house, looking to see what's happening. I'm not a policeman or a social worker — that's for your social workers to do. I'm not in power. I'm not worrying about politics. You worry about the politics. Let the statesmen do that—that's their job. They get paid for it. If you're worried about it, stop doing what you're doing!"

And Monk does not concern himself with the racial scene in any way.
"I hardly know anything about it," he said. "I never was interested in those Muslims. If you want to know, you should ask Art Blakey. I didn't have to change my name—it's always been weird enough! I haven't done one of these 'freedom' suites, and I don't intend to. I mean, I don't see the point. I'm not thinking that race thing now; it's not on my mind. Everybody's trying to get me to think it, though, but it doesn't bother me. It only bugs the people who are trying to get me to think it."

Monk is a self-willed person. Rarely does he do anything that does not interest him. He seldom goes to parties, and when he is neither working nor walking around New York City, he is at home with Nellie and their two children, Thelonious Jr., who is 15, and 11-year-old Barbara. Now, at 45, he seems hardly aware of the substantial increase in his income in recent years and says money makes no difference to his way of life.

"If I feel like it, I'll spend it," he said, "but I spend it on what anybody else spends it on — clothes and food. My wife and kids spend a lot of money, but I really don't know how much I make. I'd go stupid collecting and counting my money. I worked at $17 a week when I was a kid — make thousands now. At 14, 15 years old, I could do anything I wanted with that money. It wasn't bad for that age.

"I really don't want to do anything else other than what I'm doing. I like playing music. Everything's all right. I don't look like I'm worrying about anything, do I? I don't talk much because you can't tell everybody what you're thinking. Sometimes you don't know what you're thinking yourself."

A perceptive wife, Nellie added, "You wouldn't know whether he was happy or not at any time. He's always been very agreeable. Even in the direst situations you can't see if he's worried from looking at his face. Maybe you can tell from a chance remark, but he isn't a worrier. We have a theory that worry creates a mental block and prevents you from being creative. So worry is a waste of time."

When he is not working, the pianist likes to walk. And when he walks, he says, he walks in a daze. And he and his wife are television addicts.

"I haven't been to the movies in a long time," he said. "I look at TV, see everything there just laying in the bed. You have to get up and go to the movies, where you fall asleep in your chair. That way you're in bed already. Bui I never get enough sleep. I haven't slept eight hours through in a long time."

Monk is noncommittal about his favorite composers and musicians.
"I listen to 'em all," he says.

But it is hard to believe that he ever goes out of his way to listen to the music of other people. One evidence of this could be that his own work is so self-contained, so very personal. Today, however, he finds little time to write. His most recent composition, "Oska T," was written more than a year ago, and he continually records the same tunes. Why?

"So somebody will hear 'em!" he replied.

For the last 10 years or so. Monk's music has become easier to listen to. though it is not necessarily any simpler. What he is doing is as engaging and profound as ever, though seeming to be less provocative than when he was upsetting the rules.

"If you think my playing is more simple, maybe that's because you can dig it better," Monk said, and laughed. "It takes that long for somebody to hear it, I guess. I mean, for them to understand it or for you to get to them for them to hear it, because you might be changing and then stop playing, and they'd not get a chance to hear it.

"But I never be noticing these things. I just be trying to play.""


Randy Weston - The Len Lyons Interview

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


With the death of pianist, composer-arranger and bandleader Randy Weston on September 1, 2018, the editorial staff at JazzProfiles embarked on a WestonQuest.

We dug through the Jazz literature on Randy Weston at our disposal and found material to create a compilation of writings about Randy that will appear on these pages in a series of subsequent postings. It’s our small way of attempting to do justice to Randy’s career in music, one that spanned almost 70 years. Not many artists are fortunate enough to be productive for almost three quarters of a century!

The following will be among the featured writings on Randy and his music:

  • “Randy Weston (Afrobeats)” and essay from Gary Giddins, Visions of Jazz
  • “Randy Weston Interview,” in Len Lyons, The Great Jazz Pianists
  • Liner Notes to the New Faces at Newport [1956] Metro Jazz LP [E1005]
  • Liner Notes to The Modern Art of Jazz Dawn LP [DLP-1116 reissued as Dawn CD-107 by Fresh Sound Records]
  • The insert notes from the booklet to the Mosaic Select Randy Weston 3 CD set [MS 004]
  • The relevant excerpts on Randy and his music from The Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.; Oxford Companion to Jazz, Bill Kirchner, ed.; The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz, Barry Kernfeld, ed.
  • “Randy Weston interview” in Art Taylor, Notes and Tones
  • Ira Gitler, “Randy Weston, Downbeat, xxxi/6, (1964), p. 16
  • Mark Gardner, “Randy Weston,” Jazz Monthly, xii/11 (1967)
  • Larry Birnbaum, “Randy Weston: African Rooted Rhythm,” Downbeat, xlvi/15, (1979)
  • Ted Panken, Randy Weston DownBeat Interview, August 2016.

To date, we have published Randy Weston In Memoriamby Robert Ham which appeared in the November 2018 issue of DownBeat and the Gary Giddins piece - “Afrobeats.”

Here’s the interview published in Len Lyons’ The Great Jazz Pianists that provides a 1983 perspective on Randy and his music.

“Randy Weston is an imposing, almost regal figure. Large-limbed and graceful, he stands six feet seven inches tall. Wearing a dashiki and a colorful skullcap, he greeted me in his motel room overlooking San Francisco's Fisherman's Wharf. During much of our interview he methodically rubbed body oils into his hands, feet, and neck. Weston seems to glow with pride when he speaks of Africa, where he lived from 1967 to 1973 and operated a cultural exchange center for musicians called the African Rhythms Club.

More than any other jazz pianist, Weston incorporates African elements into his playing in an obvious way. He shifts meters frequently-between 4/4, 3/4, and less common metric patterns. He also uses the bass register of the piano as a kind of tonal drum. During a rrio set the night before (with James Leary, bass, and Ken Marshall, drums) Weston demonstrated an uncanny ability to establish driving, hypnotic rhythms by using only one or two chords-sometimes only one or two notes-per measure. He has perfected what Bill Evans called the rhythmic displacement of ideas. There were times he made the whole room sway to his personal beat.

Weston's exposure to African culture and its derivative music began in childhood. His father, born in Panama, was of Jamaican descent and operated a restaurant in Brooklyn, serving West Indian cuisine. Realizing that Randy would not learn African history at school, his father educated him in his heritage at home. The restaurant was frequented by jazz musicians, who exposed Randy to the music of New York during the rise of modern jazz. He remembers listening to Bud Powell, Duke Jordan, Art Tatum, Willie "the Lion" Smith, and Erroll Garner. His most important influence, evident from the degree of space, or silence, he leaves in his music, was Thelonious Monk.

Weston began his career at the unusually advanced age of twenty-three, and his first job was accompanying the blues singer Bull Moose Jackson. He then worked with saxophonist Eddie "Cleanhead" Vinson, trumpeter Kenny Dorham, and drummer Art Blakey. In the late fifties Weston met historian

Marshall Stearns and toured with him on a lecture circuit, giving demonstrations of jazz piano styles. Wcston became well known as a composer, especially of jazz waltzes like "Little Niles" and "Hi-Fly," which have become classics in the jazz repertoire. In 1960 Weston composed "Uhuru Africa" for a big band and vocalist, with text provided by poet Langston Hughes. In 1967, following a State Department-sponsored tour of fourteen African countries, Weston moved to Tangier, Morocco, where he established the African Rhythms Club. In 1973 he moved to Paris. Since then he has done most of his playing in Europe and Africa.

Weston is very disturbed by the picture of Africa presented in America. "All we hear about are the problems of Africa," he said, "like wars, famines, and racial problems. That's what makes the news. But there are tremendous musical and cultural experiences there." His own African experience, he explained, made him aware of spirituality, nature, and the historical role of the musician in African culture. "He was a communicator, whose task it was to spread knowledge of the traditions of the people. He was a healer, too; scientists in the West are just beginning to look into music as therapy. There is music for weddings, funerals, and virtually every aspect of life. In Africa today the musician is still an integral part of all community life."

Weston sees jazz piano as part of the black man's Africanization of European instruments. "I would like to have been there when our people first came into contact with these instruments," he said. "Can you imagine the excitement, the freshness of the first encounter? To me, what Louis Armstrong did was fantastically modern, really avant-garde." My line of questioning begin with the origins of jazz.

What is your vision of the connection between African music and American jazz?

Let's go back as far as we can, farther back than [cornetist] Buddy Bolden, and imagine the first African who was brought here as a slave. His instruments were taken away from him because they were a means of communication, a way of keeping the traditions alive, a way of keeping the people together. The music we developed here on new instruments, which we call jazz, or gospel, or blues, calypso, bossa nova — they all have the same basic traditions.

What makes our music different? The rhythm is tremendously complicated, especially in most indigenous African music. Improvisation is very important. The individual sound of each player, of every handclap, is very important. The music is based on flatted thirds, blue notes, as we call them. When you hear the religious songs or the songs of sadness in Africa, you can hear the beginning of the blues. Creating something new out of the blues is the real genius of our music [jazz].

It's also very important in this tradition to see the artist work, not only to hear him. Each musician does a completely different thing when he plays. So you're losing something in both jazz and African music if you only listen to a recording. There's also an extremely evident spiritual quality in Africa which you can also hear in Louis Armstrong, Charlie Parker, or Monk. Getting back to these original sources nourishes our newer ideas.

Has your closeness to African drumming and rhythms made you more critical of American jazz drummers?

Not at all, It taught me what tremendous creativity there must be in this music to produce jazz drumming. I hear jazz drums as a collection of African drums, and I think drummers are working more and more on producing direct African sounds and rhythms.

What is the response of Africans to jazz or to jazz piano?

First I have to say that I think it's a miracle that African and European influences came together to produce jazz. It's an act of God. That's the only way I can understand it. How the Africans respond to jazz in its present form has a lot to do with who is playing it. Any group heavily into the blues form would be fantastic. If the musicians were avant-garde, half the audience would probably walk out. What's the most important element of our music? To play the blues - that's the way I was taught. Incidentally, that's the way our music is always taught, not from books, but aurally, by hanging out with other musicians. Playing the blues was always the test while I was young.

My band played for audiences from Morocco and Tunisia as far east as Beirut. We played for audiences who had never heard a concert, not to mention a jazz concert. But I always had an African drummer with me. I would say to the audience, "This is your music after it crossed the Atlantic, after it came into contact with European civilization. Your music has changed in our hands, but the basic traditions are still the same. This is what happened to your music."

I wrote something called "African Cookbook"; it's in 6/4 time. The music
goes in waves, not in a strictly divided beat. It's jazz, but the similarities [with African music] are very deep. On occasion the audience would raise their hands in the air and take the song away from us with their hand clapping. They never lost a bear. They'd keep the song going and wouldn't let us stop playing.

Can you recall your first experiences with the piano in this country?

I remember very well. When I was a teenager in the forties, we had the
most fantastic music all around us. My father had a great record collection: Louis Armstrong, Jimmy Lunceford, gospel groups, and so on. But he would never have described it as jazz. It was so much a part of our lives; it was just music, our music. It didn't have a name. Like a lot of musicians my age, I was a first-generation New Yorker. My father came from Panama by way of Jamaica. My mother was a Virginian.

I didn't want to study music at first. As you can see, I'm physically big, and I was six feet tall when I was twelve years old. So I wanted to be an athlete. But my father was very wise. He knew that the streets were rough and that the best way to keep a boy off them was to give him a musical instrument to study. Of course, I was in complete revolt. My first piano teacher started me on Bach, which seemed to have no relation to my life at all. The battle was waged for three years with my father physically forcing me to practice. Finally the teacher told him to save his money. "This cat will never play," he said.

After a while I got to know some musicians who showed me some melodies that caught me. I got another teacher who realized that I wanted to swing everything, so he gave me some popular music along with the classical. In the army I started to learn theory from other musicians, and afterward I went to a GI school in Brooklyn, where I played with some fine people.
I should also mention that the influence of the black church was very powerful. Naturally I didn't want to go there either, but my mother took me every week. I heard gospel music regularly and suddenly began to understand the piano better and how much it meant to our people. Churches were the only place black people could congregate because it was assumed the pastor had things under control. Certainly everyone could be watched. And that's where the piano was kept - a European custom - and Christian/European music was played there. But we responded to it, as Africans.

Were there particular pianists you were aware of at the time, pianists who influenced you?

"Influence" is an interesting word. I'd say there are pianists whose souls have entered me, like Monk. From other pianists, maybe one melody, or one bar, enters me - and it remains with me. To be more direct, there was a time that I started to play like certain people I was hearing. I was successful with Count Basie. I really could imitate his style, which was probably one of the easiest to play. Yet I was fascinated by his sense of rhythm and space. He could say so much with so few notes.

Next came Nat "King" Cole. I'd never heard a piano played with so much beauty and taste. That's also one of the qualities I like in John Lewis. Each note is sheer beauty. Art Tatum shattered me and frightened me, so I never
consciously thought I was playing anything like Art. But when I play, I hear Art. Like I hear four or five notes from one of his runs. He taught me to be more daring. I guess Monk came after the Tatum thing.

Another musician I've been close to since my teens is [bassist] Ahmad Abdul Malik [who played bass with Monk and the oud, an Egyptian stringed instrument]. His father was Sudanese, so he had a definite Eastern influence. In fact, on an album with [saxophonist] Johnny Griffin in the late fifties they recorded jazz with Eastern and African music, probably one of the earliest records to do that.

Coleman Hawkins has been very important to me. In fact, I got to know Monk through him. For a time I tried to play piano like Hawkins played saxophone. Anyway, Monk played for Coleman, which is how I first heard him. I remember thinking, this is it! This is the direction we have to go in. It's like going back to the source in order to progress. Of course, a lot of artists are taking other directions, new directions, but I think there's only so far you can go that way. We can go further by continuing the source of the tradition. That means going back to the East, to Africa, Asia, and India.

Yet electronic instruments seem to be leading us in a technological, Western direction rather than hack to the sources.

Yes, I think so, but I also think it's temporary. Although we're using electronic, complex, and mechanical devices, away from nature's instruments, we're also searching for a more natural existence in other ways. There's a great increase in the interest in natural foods, exercise, natural medicine, and so on. When I left America and was without its contact for six years, I came back without a recording from 1965 to 1972. People told me I just had to make a record, so I complied with several compositions about Morocco for the album Blue Moses. Then I was told, "This is the electronic age, and you've got to use an electronic piano, too." Well, I don't like the electric piano because my sound is my voice, and my voice is what makes me unique. You don't hear my sound on the electric. But I listened to these people. I compromised and played it their way. Well, this record was a blessing for me - it got tremendous airplay, and I'm very grateful for it. But I don't ever want to make another record like it. When I hear myself on electric piano, I cry a little because I don't hear my sound.

In our music that sound is very important. A personal sound is the most difficult thing to achieve; it's an extension of yourself. Years ago Coleman Hawkins would walk into a club, and all he had to do was play one note - he wouldn't have to play a lot of notes because he had that sound. I've heard Monk stop an audience dead by hitting one chord. That's part of the African
tradition. We've got to maintain this tradition even though we've come in contact with other cultures; it's our nourishment.

When you play the [acoustic) piano, which type of instrument do you prefer?

Each individual instrument has a soul, a certain spirit or quality. You do have a name on that piano: Steinway, Baldwin, Bosendorfer, Bechstein. These are my favorites. But in Venice I played on a full concert grand, a Steinway, in a beautiful theater with twenty-five hundred people in the audience. It was like a battle. I really had to work to play that piano, and I couldn't explain it. When I listened to the tapes later, I realized I could not get in tune with that piano. Then, a month later, I played in France on exactly the same type of piano, and I couldn't do anything wrong with that instrument. It was pure pleasure to me.

Could it have been you? One night you were "on," but in Venice, you were "off."

That happens, too, but not in this case. It was the instrument. Pianos are made by men, so their spirits enter into it. Each individual instrument becomes different regardless of the brand name.

There's another thing I've thought about piano companies: I'd like to see them make their instruments more available to jazz artists in return for endorsements. My impression is that the companies are more classically oriented.

Some jazz artists do get terrific cooperation. Oscar Peterson is now supplied with Bosendorfers.

The Bosendorfer is more than a piano; it's an orchestra with those nine extra notes in the bass.

Yet Oscar told me he doesn't use them, that they'd have to be written for.

Yeah, but I use them, maybe because of my African direction. There's a whole octave of drums down there. I've been able to use that piano quite frequently in Europe.

What types of pianos did you find in Africa?

They tend to fly them in from Europe. The weather just isn't very good tor pianos there. It's too humid, and most of them have to be "tropicalized." I don't think the Africans make pianos at all.

Do you think there's anyone who is showing the way to the future of jazz piano music?

McCoy Tyner, without doubt. He's showing the way to the future, yet he's maintaining the tradition, the rhythmic quality, the spiritual vitality, the humor, the sadness. If he only knew what a fan I am!
It's gratifying to see how well received his music is, too.

That's right. You've really said something there, because what he's doing is so important. When Monk and the other giants stopped playing, the other
cats had no idea where to go. They were without a leader. Some of them have become more involved with European classical music, and others are searching for something new in electronics. The idea is to get back on the track, and McCoy is on the right track.””


La Fiesta - Mike Barone Big Band

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


Impressions?


The first thing that comes to mind when I listen to Mike Barone’s big band arrangements is swinging textures [sonority is another word for textures].


By this I mean the overall sound of the music which is the first thing that hits us when we hear its melodic, harmonic and rhythmic components all blended together to form the texture or sonorty that is the music.


Whatever the texture, Mike’s music always swings. By way of comparison, Maria Schneider’s big band orchestrations have their own unique sonorites, but they don’t always swing.


Watching a video of the band playing through Mike’s charts [arrangements], you can see [and hear] a musical phrase being played by the first and fifth trumpets in combination with the second trombone and first alto and baritone sax. But then, the next phrase might involve a different combination of instruments either playing in unison or in harmony with one another.


But whatever the combination that Mike employs to create the sound of his arrangement, the music is constantly moving; metronomically progressing - in another words - swinging.


Countermelodies, arranged solo and shout choruses played in unison or harmonized, dynamics, unique voicings, interludes, riffs, key changes, tempo changes, interspersed solos, plenty of drum kicks and licks - it’s all here - masterfully and tastefully implemented by a superior composer-arranger who - like his mentor Bill Holman - should be considered a living national treasure.


By way of background, Mike Barone has had big bands on and off for the past 50 years. The first that gained notoriety performed at the world famous "Donte's Jazz Club" in North Hollywood CA every Wed. night from 1967 through 1969. Many jazz greats came through that band like Med Flory, Tom Scott, Bill Perkins and Mike Wofford. Even Ernie Watts and Joe Sample played in the band at times. The following years saw Mike write or perform with Frank Sinatra, Peggy Lee, Johnny Hartman, Phil Collins, Dizzy Gillespie, Lalo Schifrin, Gerald Wilson, The Tonight Show Band, Quincy Jones, Hank Mancini, John Williams, Bill Conti, Maynard Ferguson, Oliver Nelson, Tower Of Power, Super Sax, Shelly Manne, Trombones Unlimited with Frank Rosolino, Louie Bellson, the Grammy's and the Academy Awards from 1987 thru 2005. Mike also did many TV shows and movies as well as composing and arranging over 100 stage band charts for schools.   The band at this time is made up of outstanding younger players and older "ringers" for a terrific combination and his greatest band ever. La Fiesta is the eighth album of the band released by Rhubarb Recordings.”


While reading through Steve Randisi’s interview with Mike in the September 2006 edition of Cadence Magazine, one gets the impression that Mike reformed his first big band by accident after putting his first one together almost 50 years ago:


S.R.: How did you happen to put a new band together, after returning to LA in 1997?


M.B.: I didn't come back to LA for that reason. I used to joke that when I turned 60, I'd come back to L.A. before everybody I know dies! I don't remember how I started to rehearse again, but Bill Perkins use to encourage me. Bill was a great saxophone player who died about a year ago [2003]. And then I found that people basically remembered me for my band. They'd say. "Mike, how's your band?" And I hadn't had a band in thirty years! What band?! Then, when I started rehearsing. I realized that today's players are better, especially the younger ones. They might not be the greatest Jazz players, but they could read my charts so much better - and fast So I just kept doing it week after week and now it's gotten to the point where it's really something good. We've gotten gigs around town - the Jazz Bakery, Clancey's, and Ken Poston puts productions together he does a lot of the Stan Kenton rehash type things. I needed to get a CD out.[Live at Donte’s 1968] You can't have a record out there that's thirty years old. So I began to work on that.”


From there it just seems like Mike was in the right place at the right time. For example his association with Johnny Carson, Doc Severinsen and The Tonight Show Band happened this way:


S.R.: How did you happen you hook up with Doc Severinsen and "The Tonight Show?"
M.B.: I had gotten a cal! from Louie Bellson. I used to work for Louie (circa 1961) and that was the first good gig that I had. He was married to Pearl Bailey, and I had done six weeks with her along with two bus loads of dancers and singers. I had gotten the gig with Louie through someone who had recommended me. and I later wrote something for one of Louie's albums. Evidently Doc must have been at the recording session and he asked Louie who had written the chart. When Louie told him it was me, Doc said. "Have him send me some charts." So I wrote five two-page charts. Short ones. They had to be short because they don't get played on the air too long. I knew they were going to be used for television where there isn't that much time. You only get to hear a few bars.”


And serendipity was also in play when Mike moved on to do work on the Academy Awards TV show:


“S.R.: How did you gel the Academy Awards gig?
M.B.: ..., that has to do with Bill Conti. I have something on my wall that goes back to 1987 regarding that show. And when Conti gets the show, I usually get something to write. In the last few years it's gotten even better because he's given me nicer things to do. There's about three of us that do the main work, but you'll see about ten or fifteen credits on there because he's used other people's charts. Maybe just a few bars or something. The thing to remember with the Academy Awards is that you don't play original music; it's all film music. In other words, it has to be music from movies. No television stuffl Some guys would write the eight bar play-ons, and I would do some of those, too. And there's the production numbers for the performers who are on the show. I've gotten to write the medleys where band numbers are needed. They usually don't get on the air, but they are neat things. They're a lot of work and they pay a lot of money. I did one for Ennio Morricone who started with spaghetti westerns and went on to write more music for the movies than anybody else. And he's still going. I did one on Hank Mancini. too. I've done different things where I get to write a real ballsy band number; not like the television garbage that you hear. It ends up like a Jazz piece done by my band, only with strings. So it's turned into something really good, as far as the music is concerned. It's not fluffy sh**. Bill likes it and the producers like it. It's nothing far out, but still a far cry from what used to be done.”


With all this going on in his career, is it any wonder then that Mike’s big band has a waiting list of musicians who want to perform in it? I mean, the guy is a pro’s pro, not to mention a vanishing breed, as calls for the kind of skills he has developed over the years are sadly not in great demand these days.


Of the eleven tracks on La Fiesta, four are Mike’s original compositions and the rest are a smattering of Jazz standards, Great American Songbook and one adaptation from the Classical music repertoire.


Each displays Mike’s unique ability to get inside a song or a tune and find an interesting way to create an arrangement around it. With the possible exception of the four originals, you’ve probably heard this music before but you’ve never heard it orchestrated in this manner.


Like his mentor, Bill Holman, Mike’s approach in developing his arrangements is “horizontal” that is to say linear; they progress from one stage to another in a single, series of steps. To think of it another way, it is a sequential, linear narrative.


Mike’s stuff pulsates forward. He weaves other elements of the arrangement into his main statement, but everything he does in his charts creates momentum. The music pops with a kinetic energy that is almost palpable.


Another impression of Mike’s music is that is sounds effortless - unforced - it just flows. Mike knows the possibilities, he knows what works singularly or in combination, so there no strain to the sounds he creates in his arrangements.


When it’s time for a soloist, a tension-and-release platform within the chart literally launches the player into his solo. It’s all very dramatic as he sets things up in such a way so as to call attention to the featured performer.


Mike concludes his interview with Steve Randisi with the following statement:


“My feeling is, if you're going to do something, do it right, or as best you can. You might not make a ton of money, but so what? Like Ernie Watts says, "Just keep doin' what you're doin’ ‘till you drop." They'll be a certain percentage of people who will like what you're doing and you'll survive. But don't try to fit in. I was lost for about ten years, going through the whole "Jesus Christ Superstar" era and all the Rock crap. I totally lost the Jazz thing. Then, for about two years. I found myself writing Country and Western songs. Can you imagine that? You can't do what somebody else does. You have to be yourself and do what you do. And if you want to be successful in Jazz - buy property!”


I, for one, am certainly happy that Mike found his way through the morass of commercialism and re-dedicated himself to big band Jazz. He is a repository of big band Jazz arranging experience and skills and the half century over which he accumulated them will never come again.


The proof of this assertion is in the eleven charts that comprise La Fiesta.


La Fiesta CDs and downloads are available at cdbaby.com and digital downloads are available at iTunes & Amazon.com.


Mike Barone and Mike Barone Big Band are both on Facebook and you can also locate more information about Mike at www.mikebaronemusic.com
and via his YouTube channel - www.youtube.com/user/mikebaronebigband.




Lou Levy - The RCA Recordings

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© -  Steven A. Cerra - copyright protected; all rights reserved.

Because of his long associations with female Jazz vocalists such as Peggy Lee [circa 1955-75], Ella Fitzgerald [1957-1962] and later stints with Anita O’Day and Nancy, Lou Levy is sometimes referred to as “... a fleet-fingered bop pianist known principally as an accompanist.” [Andre Barbera writing in The New Grove Dictionary of Jazz, Barry Kernfeld, ed.

But the broader view might see Lou as having had a parallel career as a member of many instrumental groups led by Shorty Rogers, Stan Getz, Terry Gibbs and Med Flory and Supersax, not to mention, countless recordings on which he appeared as a sideman.

Perhaps the gigs by the accompanist Levy made possible the “comforts of home” while the instrumental Jazz jobs provided “food for the soul?”

Thankfully, along the way, Lou made a number of recordings to help document his contributions to Jazz. These began early in his career thanks to Shorty Rogers. [Lou held down the piano chair in Shorty’s quintet the Giants for many years.]

One of the first things Shorty Rogers did when he joined in the mid 1950s RCA as its Artists & Repertoire man for Jazz on the Left Coast was to contract with pianist Lou Levy to do three LPs for the label. Fittingly, in order that we might hear the Levy piano style unencumbered, Lou opted to do the first one for RCA as as a solo piano album.


Pianist Andre Previn, who due to his work in Hollywood films was resident in Hollywood for most of the 1950s, did the honors for the liner notes to Solo Scene Lou Levy, Pianist [RCA 74321665052 1956]

“The sides in this album fill a gap long overdue in today's recorded modern jazz. This is quite a statement, considering the hundreds of albums currently available, but then Lou Levy is quite a musician. Long an established and highly respected pianist among his fellow musicians, he has been woefully neglected by the public and even by jazz fans, who have considered him only as a valuable man to have around in a rhythm section.

The eleven tracks which comprise Solo Scene will hopefully change this attitude, for here is Lou proving himself as an imaginative, powerful soloist. There have always been pianists who sound perfectly fine within the safe confines of a rhythm section but who suddenly reveal their shortcomings when sitting alone at the piano; not so with the gifted Mr. Levy who for his recording premiere, disdains any and all help from other instruments, and tackles eleven standards in solitary splendor, thus following the small and select company of musicians who make up the category "Solo Pianists."

Lou was born in Chicago in 1928. His father played piano by ear so Lou's interest in jazz was immediate, and his flair for it undeniable; by the time he was eighteen he was accompanying Sarah Vaughan, having already put in a short spell with Georgie Auld's band in the company of Tiny Kahn, Red Rodney. Curly Russell and Serge Chaloff. He next joined Chubby Jackson's band and became one of the first jazzmen of the modern school to play Europe. During '48 and '49 he was a mainstay of the great Woody Herman Second Herd (the famous Four Brothers band ) and was well on his way to becoming the favorite pianist of many modern musicians.

In 1952, tired of the road and the scuffle that goes with it, he deprived the music business of his presence and went into the publishing field. However, it has never been possible to keep as natural and accomplished a musician as Lou away from his chosen instrument for too long a time, and in '54 he capitulated and opened at Frank Holzfeind’s Blue Note in Chicago, playing solo intermission piano. And there the story of this album actually started. Woody's band was booked into the club, and suddenly the sidemen were paying Lou one of the great musicians' compliments: they were using their intermissions to sit around the stand, listening closely and passing the word around that Lou was back and in great form. On the last Sunday of their engagement. Al Porcino, the wonderful trumpet player, lugged in his tape recorder and took down some fifteen or twenty of Lou's solo efforts. These tapes soon achieved almost a legendary status. Musicians all over the country heard them, some had them copied, others remembered them in detail, and "Hey, did you hear those Blue Note Lou Levy tapes?" became the opening gambit of many a jazz discussion. In the meantime, Lou moved out to Los Angeles and began gigging around: with Conte Candoli, Stan Getz and Shorty Rogers, on record dates and one-nighters. He was almost willing to forget about his status as a solo pianist, but his many friends were not; and finally, after much prodding, RCA Victor snared him into their recording studios. Characteristically, it then took Lou only two fast sessions to cut the album and make some extra sides as well; more often than not the first take was the final one.

Side One opens with a forgotten song from "The Wizard of Oz". called Ding Dong the Witch Is Dead. Taken at a breakneck pace and played for bravura effect, it shows off Lou's technique and his unfailing sense of time.

Lullaby of the Leaves has a tender introduction and a lovely, moody statement of the theme. Here, as in many of the sides. Lou shows his love for the Impressionist School, making large use of the whole-tone progressions so dear to the music of that genre.

Making Whoopee, which follows, has a fine, down-home feel to it. The gamut is run here, with no disdain shown for occasional stride piano, a quick interpolation of 3/4, and a funky ending.

It Ain't Necessarily So, from "Porgy and Bess", is again complete with tempo changes, variation in dynamics, and an occasional romanticism that belies the original lyric.

Violets for Your Furs is perhaps the best ballad playing of the album. Lou plays the Matt Dennis verse (a great habit), and there is an interesting polytonal coda.

The side ends with another virtuoso display: Harold Arlen's Get Happy. A grandiose statement of the tune leads into several fast jazz choruses, and the ascending key changes are worth listening for.

The opener on Side Two is That Old Black Magic, taken at an uptempo. Lou sets a pattern in the introduction which carries over into the first chorus. Some fascinating rhythmic shifts occur during the second 32 bars.

I'll Take Romance is again Debussy-esque. played in 3/4, and full of Lou's favorite device, a series of rapid ninth chords. The second chorus settles into a slow 4/4 and there is a lovely afterthought ending.

Nice Work If You Can Get It has some humorous interchanges of ad lib and straight tempo, and a surprising, fast jazz coda.

Black Coffee is a great accomplishment in construction. Reflective and funky in turn, it uses the entire range of the keyboard to make its point.

The closing number is Irving Berlin's Cheek to Cheek, which shows off Lou's versatility. It has wonderful good-naturedness, some driving jazz and a piquant dissonance for the good-bye.

Although this is essentially a jazz album, it will be appreciated by more than the jazz coterie of fans. The tunes are always recognizable, and the piano playing displayed is the perfect relaxed "party piano". There is always a great sense of assurance, of playing on a large scale; there is intensity, humor, reflection and showmanship. When the time comes for Lou Levy to decide to really strike out as a soloist, a lot of already firmly established pianists will have to put in extra hours to keep their places secure.”

  • ANDRE PREVIN Radio Corporation of America. 1956


For the his second offering on RCA, Lou turned to a quartet format with Larry on vibes. Stan Levey is on drums for both the quartet and Leroy Vinnegar on bass.

Entitled Jazz in Four Colors/Lou Levy Quartet [RCA ND 74401], here are Shorty and Lou’s comments about the album:

“In planning this album, Lou and I spent much time trying to figure out a "different" instrumentation. This was no small problem in face of the fact that so many albums are being made today. While trying to figure out an instrumentation Lou went to work on a job that enabled him to renew one of his favorite musical acquaintances: Larry Bunker on vibes. Lou and Larry enjoyed playing together and made a wonderful nucleus for a quartet. This also presented the possibility of forming a group that could record and appear in public.

This album could be called "the birth of the Lou Levy Quartet." and I must say that it was a privilege and a great thrill to be a witness to the birth of this swingin', tasty, musical baby.

Here to tell you about the album is Lou Levy I the proud father.”
SHORTY ROGERS

“Through working in various bands. I found the men who had just what I wanted for this album. Creativeness, plus down-home musical authority . . . namely, Larry Bunker, Stan Levey, and Leroy Vinnegar.

Stan was my first acquaintance. I met him in Boyd Raeburn's band, Galveston, Texas, around '47. The band included Maynard Ferguson on his first job in the States. Stan had been playing with "Diz" and "The Bird" all through the '40s and the experience really showed in his playing. He did everything great. That was the only job I've ever worked with Stan, but that experience, and hearing Stan lately, sold me on him.

Larry was next. We worked a very short time together in Georgie Auld's Quartet four years back, at which time Larry played drums and vibes: then came a job a year back with Barney Kessel, where I really found out about Larry's vibes. He played only vibes on the job and swung all the time. Larry and I now both work with Peggy Lee, so that's three jobs together.

Leroy and I are from the Midwest, but didn't meet until a year ago in Hollywood. Conte Candoli introduced us on the bandstand at Jazz City, and a few months later we worked a short engagement together at Zardi's in a wonderful quintet led by Stan Getz . . . also including Conte and Shelly Manne. Other than a half dozen albums, that was the only time I worked with Leroy. He is a thrill to work with, and anyone who has worked with him will bear me out. His time is perfect and he never stops swinging.

Since Stan works at the Lighthouse in Hermosa Beach. Leroy works with Shelley Marine's group, and Larry and I are with Peggy Lee — it was evident that we wouldn't have time to rehearse before the session — that all music on the date would be "new" to us. So. in two dates — March 31st and April 4th — we worked out, rehearsed and recorded ten tunes, as follows:

TUNE UP — A Miles Davis original with unique chord changes that present an interesting challenge to any soloist. Larry and I play two choruses each. We then split the 32-bar chorus into four 8-bar sections played by Larry, Stan, myself and Leroy. in that order. The next chorus is split into eight 4-bar sections. The final chorus is melody followed by a fade ending in which Larry plays a real interesting ascending line.

WITHOUT YOU - This was an Andy Russell number in Walt Disney’s "Make Mine Music." It is also a very unusual tune in chord structure but everyone seems right at home on this. There is a bass pickup into the first chorus. I play one and Larry and Leroy split one before the out chorus.

WAIL STREET - This is Barney Kessel's original. Built in D minor, it employs cycles of fifths in excellent taste. After the piano intro. the tune rolls right through the melody chorus into Larry’s two choruses.  Larry's solo is definitely one of the brightest spot in the album. All his imagination and swing really show here. I take two choruses: the ensemble and Stan exchange four bars: we walk the bridge and finish up with an extended ending featuring Larry.

STAR EYES — The drums and intro. in general, present a mild Latin flavor that is maintained throughout most of the melody passages. This is eliminated for all the jazz solos This tune is another example of how great Stan and Leroy sound on a "groove" tempo. They make it a pleasure at all times. The routine on the introduction is reversed and used as an ending.

THE LADY IS A TRAMP - This number completes the first side and is done by the trio minus the vibes. I had played this arrangement before on local trio jobs. After the first chorus, there are three piano choruses building up to one chorus of "walking" and one chorus out with an extended ending that has a slight flavor of "ragtime."

THE GRAY FOX — This is an up-tempo original. There's an eight-bar piano intro, followed by the first ensemble chorus and an extension and break leading into Larry's two choruses. The piano solo of two choruses is introduced by an interlude and break. Then a chorus is split between Stan and Leroy. The piano intro is repeated and into the out chorus with an extended ending. I'm very happy with this tune as it shows the effort made to have an organized interesting date.

BUTTON UP YOUR OVERCOAT - One chorus of ensemble into one for Larry. I do a chorus and a half, and Leroy has the bridge. We finish out with an extended ending. This is another "groove" for Leroy and Stan.

IMAGINATION - Here is a display of Larry's great sensitivity on vibes. To get so much from this instrument is a rarity. Except for the second bridge, it's all Larry.

GAL IN CALICO — We used a simple introduction and open fourth voicing throughout the ensemble section. There are suggestions of western music, especially in the intro and ending. Larry and I get two choruses each, and Leroy and Stan split a chorus of fours. As a curious note, this was the only number that required more than two takes. But we're happy with the results.

INDIANA — The final tune on the date. Trio only. Shorty suggested doing the first chorus ad-lib, the manner in which I handled most of the tunes for The Solo Scene (RCA Victor LPM-1267) album. There is abundance of chord alterations, but this tune has been recorded frequently, so a new flavor was in order. The tune is not breakneck tempo, but pretty well up. Three piano choruses lead into a wonderfully organized chorus of drums. The out chorus is followed by a B.G.-type tag ending. [“B.G.” = Benny Goodman]

Without getting too flowery, I'd like to say that I'm more than happy with the performances of the men individually, as well as collectively. After doing this date. I was all the more sure that someday soon I would take this group on the road. It may not be possible to get the same men, but if I come close, that's great.

To Shorty Rogers, who sat in the booth through all the recording, a large share of credit is due. If I'm the "Proud Papa," let's make Shorty "Godfather."
LOU LEVY


In 1957, Lou selected a trio format with Max Bennett on bass and Stan Levey on drums when he recorded A Most Musical Fella: The Lou Levy Trio [RCA 74321665052] for which he wrote the following liner notes.

In planning this album, intentions were to do it with three difFerent groups, with the first four tunes to be done by a trio. But after the first date we were so happy with the results that it was decided to make the whole thing with the trio. There is no doubt that the personnel on this album was the deciding factor. The trio jelled too well to do anything but a complete trio album.
Side one opens with Night and Day. Stan starts it by playing the pattern of the verse melody on a cymbal. It sounded so good that this was a natural for a starter. The arrangement is rather bright and features an opening chorus alternating between a Latin and swing feel.

Angel Eyes, Matt Dennis' lovely tune, is treated as we believe he intended — very delicately from the introduction into one and a half choruses. The second bridge has a double-time feel but this is not intended to be jazzy; it felt natural and sounded good to all of us.

Lou's Blues is a very simple original done mainly to satisfy the desire to relax and play the blues. After having to play somewhat involved arrangements, the blues is always a ball.

Yesterdays gave me a chance to play solo piano, at least the first chorus. The second chorus is in tempo and is what I'd call a natural rhythmic impression of the original tune.

Apartment 17 is my original, very bright and sixty-four bars long. It's the kind of tune that keeps you thinking, as it's always going somewhere.

The second side opens with How About You, a standard jazz tune that affords many opportunities for chord alterations moving under the melody. These fast moving progressions are. for the most part, dropped, although Max uses them to good advantage at the opening of the second chorus.

Baubles, Bangles and Beads, a wonderful tune from "Kismet" that was recorded so beautifully a few years back by one of my present employers. Peggy Lee. It is a tune that offers wonderful opportunities for improvising, although you'll notice that the largest portion of the melody was treated with deserved calm.

Woody 'n 'Lou is a bright original, based harmonically on Dizzy's RCA Victor recording of Algo Buena. The chromatic progression of this tune is the one used in How About You. I'll venture to say it's one of the most comfortable progressions for "blowing."

We'll Be Together Again is ad-lib solo piano until the second eight, and then in tempo until the end. The introduction is re-used as an ending. I'd like to add that this tune has great personal meaning to me, so I jumped at recording it.

The last tune on the date is I’ll Remember April and we only made one take. Personally. I got carried away and played quite a few choruses, but there was so much excitement during this take we knew we couldn't reach that point again.

What I'm going to say now is not directed at musicians or people that can evaluate music on their own; it's more for people with a love for music and a lack of knowledge concerning it.

The chord alterations and substitute progressions are added to modern jazz mainly for two reasons: to improve the accompaniment to the melody and to give the jazzman a more interesting cycle of chords to improvise with. I find that many songwriters find the approach most refreshing. In fact, I have yet to hear one speak against it.

I also think the public has been frequently misled as to what modern jazz really is. I've seen numerous TV shows with major personalities trying to define modern jazz. These people are not jazz musicians, so immediately this should disqualify them. If you really want to learn to appreciate modern jazz, listen to the people who play it and live with it. It offers mental and physical satisfaction, and if you're not getting that now. try again — because you're missing an awful lot.”

LOU LEVY

All three of these RCA recordings have been prepared for CD release by Jordi Pujol and can be purchased through the Fresh Sound website.




Lou Levy - An Interview with Steve Voce

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© -  Steven A. Cerra - copyright protected; all rights reserved.


The following interview appeared in Vol. 35, 1982 of Jazz Journal International under the title of “Lou Levy Talks to Steve Voce” and Steve had kindly consented to allow its posting to these pages. Steve is a British journalist and music critic who contributed regularly to The Independent and to Jazz Journal for over 40 years.
© -  Steve Voce/JazzJournal - used with the author’s permission; copyright protected; all rights reserved.

“The Stan Getz Quartet that took the honours at last year's Nice festival was full of both distinction and fine distinctions. Marc Johnson, its eloquent bassist, said of pianist Lou Levy "he is a genius with melody, and his main concern is to present the qualities of the melody to the audience, whilst I'm more concerned to use the melody as a basis for improvisation."
A quiet and modest man, Levy is content to take a subordinate role away from the limelight, preferring to support rather than lead, but with the Getz quartet Stan has subtly engineered a setting which makes Lou a prime mover and with this band Levy is playing with an authority that has probably not been apparent before.
"Stan and I have been together on and off with long periods of being apart, for more than 30 years, going right back to the time with Woody Herman in the forties. Off the stand we've been the closest friends for many years, so it's natural that we have a musical rapport. We understand each other's playing, agree on the format of tunes, on the length — just about everything musically. You'll notice with Stan that whenever anyone else is playing he listens. That's so rare in most of the bands I've worked with. Things will happen on the stand when a guy's soloing — the other musicians will talk to each other, maybe even go to the bar for a drink — I won't put up with that. I'll either tell them off right on the band stand or I'll just get up and walk. To me that's really an insult to the music, and also the audience doesn't go for it either. Those are usually the guys that don't play the best.
Stan always did play great, but now better than ever. I can feel him opening up from day to day, from set to set, from tune to tune. When you get guys like this who play so well, it's not easy to get them to play their best. It takes a while for every-body to really open up, and it's starting to happen now, on this festival especially.
Although we go back a quarter of a century in the quartet setting, this is new — has to be, because of our experiences in that time. Stan came from a totally different kind of band that he's had for some years, so his outlook is quite fresh. I brought in all the music, and I think that the standards we're using are as good material as you can find. I think it's assuming an awful lot when you come. across bands that use nothing but originals. All originals are not necessarily good. Once in a while you do come up with a good one, but a lot of the time it's ego trip stuff. Particularly when there are Jerome Kern, Cole Porter, the Gershwins, Harold Arlen, Charlie Parker and Thelonious Monk! There's so much great material and you can do one tune in so many different ways. You got a lot of opportunity out there. And then if you write a great original, that's fine.
Stan's earlier groups used electric keyboards and electric bass, and oddly enough it's fresh to get back to acoustic instruments. Naturally I'm pleased. I don't mind playing an electric instrument once in a while, but I think it totally cancels out any-one's identity. You have no touch control, no personal contact with the thing other than your fingers are pushing down the keys and getting electrical impulses out of it. The only way you can possibly have any identity on an electric instrument is the way Chick Corea does where the composition is the identity. They have, or have had their place, but I see them going very fast, I really do. We used to use a celeste on dates with Frank Sinatra or Peggy Lee, but just as a tender thing on the verse of a ballad. It's okay, but it should be short and sweet.
Peggy? I think I accompanied Peggy Lee half of my life. It really was over a period of 18 years off and on. I left her for three years to go with Ella Fitzgerald, a year or so with Nancy Wilson — it was back and forth. But over the 18 years it was well over half of them, and it was a great lesson in music, showmanship and stage presentation. She's a marvellous interpreter of songs and I learned a lot about the other side of a song, the lyrics as opposed to the purely musical part. Lyrics play a very important part in my playing. I always follow the lyrics when I'm playing and always think of the melody. No matter how far into improvising I am the lyric is going through my head. That makes a great difference to how you play. As you know, Lester Young was a great believer in lyrics, and Bill Evans sounded like he knew lyrics to a great degree. All the good players, Miles Davis and Charlie Parker made a point of knowing lyrics and it shows in their playing.
I teach a class in accompanying at the Dick Grove Music Workshop in Los Angeles and I stress that the strongest point is to know the melody, but really know the lyrics as well. The kids are really getting it and after six or seven weeks I see how it affects their playing. They play less, but they play deeper. It's nice. I've been doing those classes for some months now. It's a great school. Dick Grove is a very fine arranger who started it and he brings in lots of fine tutors like Mancini and Nelson Riddle for film writing, and he brings in great musicians like Dave Grusin, Herbie Ellis, Monty Budwig. He asked me to teach an accompanying class because I've done so much of it that they figured I'd be able to get the point across. And that's strictly what I'm doing now. I might branch out a little bit, but I think that accompanying is vitally important for all jazz players to know about and not just for vocalists. When I accompany Stan Getz I'm accompanying a voice, a very fine voice, and it's just as important to know what to do for a guy with a horn in his mouth as it is for somebody who opens his mouth and sings lyrics.
At the school the students are prepared for about six months to make sure they understand all the chord symbols and things that we usually encounter when accompanying. You know, they throw a chord sheet at us — it's not written out like a classical piano part usually, it's just chord symbols. So what they do is they get the students that do play the piano but may not have much knowledge of harmony, so they make sure, and then at the end of the six months they hand them over to me and I don't have to worry about the language of chords. I don't have to struggle with that and so we can go straight ahead into the next phase, which is interpretation.


You ask whether I can anticipate what someone like Stan or Ella is going to do next. Well that's a bit like the question of how do you teach improvising? It's instinctive and it happens instantaneously. There are logical paths to follow which you can anticipate, and then sometimes when you hear something different you adjust along that way very fast. Luckily it comes very naturally to me. I've heard a lot of great piano players who play better than me, but who can't accompany, and it always makes me wonder. A guy can play fantastically, but maybe he's not interested, never been interested in accompanying, and so it doesn't work, he can't do it.
My first accompanying job was for Sarah Vaughan in 1947. It was in Chicago and I'm not sure if I'd even left high school. She'd just made the record Mean to Me with Charlie Parker and hadn't become popular yet. We worked in Roger's Park in Chicago, which happened to be in my neighbourhood, and she used to pick me up from home each night and then bring me back again after the job. She taught me so much, because she plays piano, and it was from her I first learned about accompaniment. Then I worked a couple of weeks with June Christy in Milwaukee, but the first big accompanying job I had, other than playing for Mary Ann McCall with Woody's band was the job with Peggy when I moved to California in 1955. Max Bennett and Larry Bunker who were with her got me the job when Marty Paich left.
Pretty much around the same time I worked with Sarah I had my first full-time professional gig. Georgie Auld had a little band that included Red Rodney, Serge Chaloff, Curley Russell and the late Tiny Kahn on drums. I met Tiny in Chicago when they came to work there and they had George Wallington on piano. We had some local jam sessions and Tiny heard me play and I guess he thought 'well, for a local kid he doesn't play too bad.' All of a sudden George Wallington got sick and they needed a piano player immediately, so Tiny suggested to Georgie 'let's try the kid'. It didn't turn out too badly, they liked me, and every night Tiny would teach me things. He was my real mentor. He was the biggest influence on me in the music business. He showed me what to listen to — other than Charlie Parker, everyone knew about Parker. But Tiny was fantastic. You never expect a drummer to be a teacher, no insult to drummers, but he knew the keyboard, he knew the harmony, he was just a total natural, the most beautiful musician you could ever want to be. He was a wonderful arranger, but unfortunately he died too young to leave a lot of music, but he left his impression on every-one. In fact his influence is still there.
Tiny taught me some things about arranging, but I'm not really that big an arranger. I'm an accompanist, pianist and jazz player. I wish I could arrange, but if I could my standard would be too high because t have friends like Johnny Mandel (who I think is the epitome of arranging), Al Cohn and Nelson Riddle. I worked with all these guys, and they're so great that I'm way behind them in arranging, so I'll stick to what I do.
Ira Sullivan and I grew up together in Chicago. A lot of guys would come through and I'd play with them, do local jobs, Minneapolis and so on. The first thing that took me out of town was when Tiny Kahn got me the job to go to Europe on Chubby Jackson's Fifth Dimensional Jazz Group. We went to Sweden in 1947 and Sweden had never really had a band like that up to that time, so it was a great trip. We had Denzil Best on drums, Frank Socolow on tenor plus Conte Candoli and Terry Gibbs, and I met all these guys for the first time. When we got back we worked a little around Washington DC. Chubby went back with Woody, and a month or two later he got me in Woody's band. It was the Four Brothers band, of course, and there I met Stan Getz and Al Cohn, and that was the start of the whole ball of wax. I replaced Ralph Burns, but Ralph didn't leave the band, he stayed on the road with us but strictly as an arranger. He wanted time to write. I stayed with that band for two years until it broke up, and then I went on the road with a little band of Louis Bellson's, along with Charlie Shavers and Terry Gibbs. Then that whole little band joined Tommy Dorsey's band and I spent about three months with him. He was a great bandleader and I respected him very much, although musically it wasn't my cup of tea. I've never been fired by anybody but Tommy Dorsey, but what he said to me was classic: `Kid, you play real good, but not for my band.' I thought that was about as honest as you could get. I'm not offended when someone says you played rotten or you did something wrong, because constructive criticism is the best thing for anyone.
Tommy was a wonderful trombone player as well as a great bandleader, and it's always a lesson to see how someone handles a band, handles men. He had it all together. At first glance Tommy was stricter than Woody, but Woody commands a lot of respect. It's a quieter thing. He just stands there, he doesn't say too much. He'll look and listen and let the guys do their craziness off the band stand, but on the stand the guys always seem to respect him, and he's still a great leader after more than 40 years.
Bill Harris came back into the Herd after I joined, but I'd worked with him before in a three-trombone band with Shelly Manne on drums. I worked often with Shelly in the late forties and still play with him now. In the Herd I was very heavily influenced by Al Cohn, because I'd never heard anyone play that way. Al is really a gem, as Stan Getz will tell you. I'm pretty sure that, along with Zoot, Al is his favourite player. Those two guys! The band was so vital and sounded so clean, and it had so much energy. I've heard bands with as much energy, but I've never heard one with so much polish to go with it and still sound natural.
There was a lot of different music came into the band, with charts by Jimmy Giuffre, Shorty Rogers, a couple of real bebop arrangements by Gil Fuller and all the Ralph Burns arrangements, which go anywhere from jazz to semi-classical but always very original. I don't remember off the top of my head every chart that came in, but there were a hell of a lot. Gil arranged Bud Powell's Tempus Fugit for the band, and we're playing pretty much the same routine on that number now with Stan's quartet. We didn't play Gil's charts that often because I think Woody felt that they weren't quite in the style that he was used to. One arrangement that came into the band that we used to play a lot was Johnny Mandel's Not Really The Blues. Sometimes Woody would leave the stand for the last set in a ballroom and boy, as soon as he left we'd wail into that one and maybe again at the end of the set. We recorded a long version of it for Capitol, but unfortunately they cut it down to get it onto the 78 record length, which was still going at the time. It was a classic arrangement, like another that Johnny wrote at that time on What's New? as a Terry Gibbs feature. But I'm totally mad about anything that Johnny Mandel writes, because he's one of my idols, and I don't have too many idols.
I was never a New Yorker, although when I came back from Europe with Chubby I spent time living at his house and working out on Long Island, but I never had a Local 802 card. After I left Tommy Dorsey I went with a little band Bill Harris and Flip Philips had. While I was with the band I got married to a girl from Minneapolis. Her family had a business publishing medical journals and her father suggested that I should join the business. It was a very successful one, so I left the music business for three years and moved to Minneapolis. I kept in touch, though, played around the town, played with Conte and guys who came through. But the marriage didn't work out and after four years we split up so naturally I wasn't going to stay in the family business. I came back to music in Chicago, playing solo piano for the wonderful man that ran the Blue Note, the late Frank Holzfeind. I was still pretty young, and I went back with my folks and stayed there awhile, saved some money. I'd work opposite all the bands that came through to the Blue Note — Woody, Shorty Rogers and the Giants, and one day Shorty suggested that I moved out to California and said he'd give me his piano work. So I did, and I worked a lot with him and made quite a few of the Giants albums. Then he gave me my first movie call, for `The Man With The Golden Arm', and the next year the job with Peggy came up.
The only times I worked in the studios were when Shorty called me. They have guys in that job that can do anything, play anything at sight. I never was that kind of player. They'd call me if it was a jazz type of job, like `The Golden Arm' thing where we had two piano players — Ray Turner, who could do absolutely anything off the paper, and me, who could do very little off the paper, but I could make up something, and so that much studio work I did! Through the people I worked with and was friendly with like Shorty, Nelson Riddle and Billy May, who would do a movie score occasionally, I got to do some movie work, but I was never a movie studio musician.
On the other hand, I did a lot of record studio dates. 1 recorded with Nat Cole, and played piano through a whole album of his `Wild Is Love'. It was a good album, but then everything he did was fantastic. I knew him very well, and he was one of my all-time favourite piano players. When I was with Woody he did a tour with us with his trio, and I spent all my time with him and would sit and listen to him for hours. He got married at that time and his wife was with him on the tour, and we'd all go shopping together. Just being around him was a real pleasure, but he was a magnificent player in such a low-keyed way. Then when he got his own TV show in Los Angeles I appeared on it in the orchestra quite often. He was a great man, a perfect musician and a beautiful guy.
In the earlier days the first of my favourites was Al Haig, because he was on most of the records that I heard first. I played with Charlie Parker when I was very young. The first time I sat in with him hecalled me over afterwards and he said 'Kid, you ever heard Bud Powell?' I said that I'd heard about him, and Charlie blew a kiss to the heavens and said `You go check him out.' And he was so right!


If I sort of double back I can give you the order of my favourite piano players. Before those guys I heard records of Teddy Wilson with Benny Goodman, but I would say that my favourite players in order would be Fats Waller, Art Tatum, Nat Cole, Al Haig, Bud Powell and of course Bill Evans, probably the biggest influence of the last ten years on piano players. I like Chick Corea very much. He brought something startling into jazz. I don't know if he plays anything that's so much new. He doesn't play memorable, everlasting things like Lester Young played on the tenor — little phrases you could make songs out of. It's not so much that, it's just something sparkling and electrifying. I love the first record I heard of his, with Roy Haynes and Miroslav Vitous, a trio record from 1969. That floored me. I think a lot of people don't realise how brilliant Fats Waller really was. He was like Nat Cole to me but maybe even more facile on the piano. He had this independent voice, and three things going at once — he was great to watch, great to listen to and he wrote wonderful songs.

If Nat Cole was missing anything it was that he was not a composer himself, otherwise he'd be a duplicate. Art Tatum still amazes me, and he still amazes anyone who knows anything about the piano. He did it all, and he was exquisite in so many ways. Harmonically he was so complex and logical at the same time, and his technique was so ridiculous. He was just something that came along and nobody can explain it and it will never be equalled. He's an influence on me harmonically, but I can't do it technically! Bud Powell is much more of an element in my playing as far as single line and melodic lines are concerned. In fact J S Bach is a bigger influence on me than Art Tatum as far as that's concerned. Nat had a wonderful loose way of playing that Tatum sometimes showed, as indeed Fats Waller. Two of my other favourites of course are Tommy Flanagan and Hank Jones.
I'm an admirer of Oscar Peterson. It's a touchy subject to say something critical, but if you want me to be really honest, I've always liked Oscar least for the creative part of his playing. Maybe that sounds harsh, and I hope Oscar doesn't take it the wrong way, but I look at Oscar as being strong in all other departments. Here's a sort of left-handed thing: Thelonious Monk, who sounds as if he's playing with his knuckles, is very intensely creative at times. He plays a lot of memorable things. I worked opposite Oscar a lot when I was with Ella, and he's just brilliant, amazing, you know — beautiful touch, brilliant dynamics and that time feel he has! He's a giant, but he's not an influence on me.
I worked for Sinatra when his piano player had a bad accident. I'd do concerts and benefits with him, and I did some record dates with him — it's inconsequential, but I played piano on I Did It My Way. I've played a lot of private parties at his house and I played solo a lot on those occasions. I remember one time I played at a dinner party he gave for about ten people. He had Ronald and Nancy Reagan, Fred Astaire, Jack Benny and his wife, James Stewart and Cary Grant. I spent a lot of time around Jack Benny because my ex-wife was hairdresser for Mary Benny, and I used to go over to their home with her. Jack would be in his robe, walking round the pool playing the violin, and I used to talk to him a lot. He was a fantastic guy as you know, funny in any language.
We always looked forward to Frank singing at the parties, because he sings so great when it's informal. He'd come over to me and say `What'll we do?' and I'd say All Of Me and he'd just start right in, not tell me the key or anything, and he was wonderful. It's a thrill to play for him.
As an all-round singer I like Ella, but Peggy's interpretation of a song is unbeatable. She lives that thing. She actually cries — I've seen tears many times. Lena Horne? Probably I was never more impressed with all-round stage presence than when I worked with Lena. When I first got a call from her she had just moved to a place about 70 miles away from where I live in Studio City, California. So I drove up there, and met her out in the garden — she was gracious and beautiful in her blue jeans. She took me into the house, sat me down at the piano, put some music in front of me and said `okay, go ahead and play.' Then she'd put more music in front of me, and each time she'd say `that's right', and that's all the rehearsal we ever had. Then we went to Las Vegas where we were working and she listened to the band, still didn't sing, and she" said `That's right'. Then when she hit the stage at the show that night my hair stood on end. I couldn't believe what I was hearing and seeing. I actually got goosebumps. I was conducting and trying to look round at her, and it paralysed me for a minute. I didn't blow the cues, but what a revelation! There's nothing in the world like Lena Horne on stage. I went to see her one-woman show in New York just recently and I just sat open-mouthed and watched her. Boy, it's even better from out front! I don't think there'll ever be anything like Lena Horne again. I don't think there could be.
Ella is probably the most wonderful natural person you could ever want to work with. There's no pretence about her. She's really beautiful, and as far as her singing goes, no one can swing like her, no one can sing more in tune than her, and nobody knows more tunes than she does. I learned a lot of new songs from her. I had to learn verses to things like I Got Rhythm. I didn't even know there was a verse to I Got Rhythm. Most of the material I play now, I learned the majority of it from working with Ella. We'd go out there and do 40 tunes. And then the next night do 40 different tunes. She'd give you a list of numbers at the beginning of a concert and by the second tune you're already off the list! She'll turn around on the spot and give you something different or, for example, if there's a kid in the audience she'll sing Three Little Pigs or nursery rhymes, Jingle Bells if it's Christmas time — you never knew what was going to happen. But it was always in tune and it always swung. I think my favourite album I ever made with any singer is the Ella Fitzgerald Gershwin — the five records in the box of Nelson Riddle's arrangements. That was a fantastic music lesson for me. The different ways that they did the songs — Lady Be Good so slow and beautiful. That was a great influence on me, and as a result I do a lot of fast ones slow now. It was like going to school.
With Peggy we rehearsed everything down to the footwork and the lights. But that's alright, too, it works out fine. I did it night after night, the same thing, and it never got boring. There was always room for creating and you still had the feeling conducting the orchestra that you were inspired. She was quite an inspirationalist — a great entertainer and a great musician.
I worked a lot in jazz clubs in Los Angeles but these days a lot of my work is out of the city. Recently I've been doing tours with Zoot and Benny Goodman as well as with Stan. A couple of times a year I have a duo gig at a place in New York called The Knickerbocker, which I love, so I'm actually going out of town a lot.
There are lots of great jazz musicians in LA, but unfortunately jazz is not as important there as it should be.
Stan lives in San Francisco, a place I love, and it's only 55 minutes by plane from LA. As long as Stan wants me, I'm sure I'll be around. I've never had the ambition so far of being Oscar Peterson and conquering the world. I like what I'm doing and I like playing with another instrument as in the quartet. I do take trio jobs and I make trio albums, of course, and they're fine. But I've always been an accompanist and I don't see me changing. I don't feel there's anything that relegates it to a lower station in life at all, especially if you get to play with the kind of people I'm playing with. Working with Ella is a pure jazz job, like being with Stan, and then I love to work with Al Cohn because he's such a great player. There are differences between Al and Stan when you play for them. You don't have the variety of material with Al. Mainly it's just a question of listening to Al and playing simpler things. The standards Stan uses are more challenging, and I enjoy those. He's a great teacher, too. We agree on most things, but there's lots of little things that we pick up on the way, like the format of the tune, that I mentioned earlier. He plays short solos — sometimes he'll play the first chorus on a ballad and let me play the second chorus and finish the number without him. I never worked with anyone else who did that before, but it makes a lot of sense — why go any farther? You've done two choruses of the ballad: it's lovely, so why spin it out? Stan knows just where to put the bass solo, the drums, you know. I don't like a guy who stands up there and plays chorus after chorus and if it doesn't work out tries another chorus. That's very boring. The good guys make their statements and get out fast.
I like to think there is fire in my playing as you suggest, but I hope it's the kind of fire that Bud Powell had. I like dynamics and I don't put the fire in there on purpose, and it's not the kind of bombastic fire that you get with McCoy Tyner. If the tune is Johnny Mandel's Time For Love, well naturally it's going to be tender and beautiful, but if it's The Night Has A Thousand Eyes, that's fun because you can just throw caution to the winds and sort of throw your hands at the piano and maybe punch it once in a while. It can take it, it's a darned strong instrument really.
We found we had too many endings that sounded the same, so the other day we sat down and said let's do this on the end of this and that on the end of that and sorted it out between us. I'm very proud of this quartet. That little guy Marc Johnson, young compared to me, every day I marvel at him. And Victor Lewis with that touch of his is one of the all-time best drummers I know. Stan's got everything you could want. I call him the Jascha Heifetz of the saxophone. Flawless. I'm not a saxophone player, but people who are that I talk to tell me that what he does nobody else can do. Technically some of the stuff he does is so hard that I can't describe it because I'm a piano player. We made that Concord album with Monte Budwig in for Marc when we first got together in our first week, and naturally we all feel that the quartet's better now, but the album's good. Incidentally, we use Marc when we're on the East Coast and Monte when we're in California.
If we're winding up now, I'd like to talk about the songs again. I see marvellous standards coming back into use again, and with them sane-ness and good taste are coming back, too. All that ego that was so apparent with some of the younger musicians is beginning to disappear, too, and the good is rising to the surface again. I'm not putting down everybody that's young and wants to play all their own tunes, but they've got to learn to do something out there besides them, you know. It's working out well for me, too. The music's come back. Thank God!"”

Part 1 - Lullaby of Gangland by Fredric Dannen

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© -  Steven A. Cerra - copyright protected; all rights reserved.

"An entertaining collection of anecdotes about an uproariously unsavory subculture of egomaniacs, sybarites, goniffs, and music lovers... Mr. Dannen has a knack for the telling quote and a healthy appetite for the juicy story."
—ROBERT CHRISTGAU, THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW


"Anyone with more than a passing interest in the inner workings of the [music] industry will be enthralled by the juicy tales [Dannen] has to tell."—THE NEW YORK TIMES


"A knowing and unsentimental glimpse into the inner workings of the music business... Dannen got the inside story, and he got it right."
—LOS ANGELES TIMES BOOK REVIEW


“A sobering, blunt and unusually well-observed depiction of the sometimes sordid inner working of the music business.”
-BILLBOARD
Almost since its inception, Jazz has had a long association with the criminal underworld and its vices.
Bars, Gin Joints, Speakeasies, private parties, hotel and casino lounges - wherever “live” Jazz was performed, all were potentially rife for some form of gangland activity.
Not surprisingly then, when Jazz made its way into the recording studio, the record business, and the world of music publishing, organized crime did, too.
While “Hit records,” per se, are fairly rare in the Jazz lexicon, the substrata and substructures connected with the record and music publishing business that author Fredric Dannen describes in the following “Lullaby of Gangland” chapter were also very commonplace in many phases of the Jazz World in general.


Copiously researched and documented, Fredric Dannen’s Hit Men[New York: Vintage, 1991] is a highly controversial portrait of the pop music industry in all its wild, ruthless glory: the insatiable greed and ambition; the enormous egos; the fierce struggles for profits and power; the vendettas, rivalries, shakedowns, and payoffs. Chronicling the evolution of America's largest music labels from the Tin Pan Alley days to the present day, Fredric Dannen examines in depth the often venal, sometimes illegal dealings among the assorted hustlers and kingpins who rule over this multi-billion-dollar business.


Lullaby of Gangland - Part 1


“Rock historians tend to romanticize the pioneers of the rock and roll industry. It is true that the three large labels of the fifties —RCA Victor, Decca, and Columbia, which CBS had bought in 1958—were slow to recognize the new music. So were the publishers of Tin Pan Alley. It took independent businessmen like Leonard Chess of Chess Records in Chicago to put Chuck Berry on vinyl, and Syd Nathan of King Records in Cincinnati to record James Brown.


The pioneers deserve praise for their foresight but little for their integrity. Many of them were crooks. Their victims were usually poor blacks, the inventors of rock and roll, though whites did not fare much better. It was a common trick to pay off a black artist with a Cadillac worth a fraction of what he was owed. Special mention is due Herman Lubinsky, owner of Savoy Records in Newark, who recorded a star lineup of jazz, gospel, and rhythm and blues artists and paid scarcely a dime in royalties.


The modern record industry, which derives half its revenues from rock, worships its early founders. It has already begun to induct men such as disc jockey and concert promoter Alan Freed into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame. When veteran record men wax nostalgic about the fifties, they often speak of the great "characters" who populated the business. Morris Levy, the founder of Roulette Records, said proudly, "We were all characters in those days." The term is probably shorthand for "Damon Runyon character." It signifies a Broadway street hustler: tough, shrewd, flashy, disreputable. Levy denied this last attribute, but Levy was a man who spent his life denying things.


In the dominion of characters, Levy was king. He loomed larger than most of the other pioneers, and as each of them fell by the wayside, he remained a potent institution and a vibrant reminder of where the industry had come from. In 1957 Variety dubbed Levy the "Octopus" of the music industry, so far-reaching were his tentacles. Three decades later, another newsman called him the "Godfather" of the American music business. His power had not diminished.


Morris Levy started Roulette in 1956. after a decade in nightclubs (he owned the world-famous Birdland). Roulette was one of several independent record companies that put out rock and roll. It featured Frankie Lymon, Buddy Knox, Jackie and the Starlights. As rock became the rage, the big labels discovered that the independents were bumping them off the singles charts. So they opened their checkbooks and bought the rock musicians' contracts or acquired the independents outright. In 1955 RCA Victor paid Sun Records $35,000 [plus a $5K signing bonus] for Elvis Presley. By the end of the decade most of the independents were gone; the founders had cashed in their chips. Atlantic Records in New York remained a going concern but in 1967 became part of Warner-Seven Arts (later Warner Communications). Levy kept Roulette. It continued to grow and absorb other independent labels and music publishers and even a large chain of record stores.


Morris's power came from copyrights. He understood early in the game that a hit song is an annuity, earning money year after year for its lucky owner. His very first publishing copyright was the jazz standard "Lullaby of Birdland," which he commissioned for his nightclub. Every time a high school marching band played "The Yellow Rose of Texas" at the Rose Bowl, Morris got paid, because he owned that copyright, too. "It's always pennies—nickels, pennies," Morris once said of his song catalog. "But it accumulates into nice money. It works for itself. It never talks back to you."


Nice money, indeed. By the eighties, Morris Levy was worth no less than $75 million. A major share of his wealth came from his music publishing empire, Big Seven, which had thirty thousand copyrights. Sunnyview, his two-thousand-acre horse farm along the Hudson River in Columbia County, New York, was valued at $15 million. In the seventies, he took over a small chain of bankrupt record stores, which he renamed Strawberries. A decade later he turned down a $30 million bid for the chain. Not bad for a man who was tossed out of elementary school for assaulting a teacher.


Much harder to quantify was another source of Morris Levy's wealth and power: a lifelong association with the Mafia. A Sephardic Jew (or "Turk," in his words) from the poorest section of the Bronx, Morris was never a member, but he did business with several crime families. The Genovese family of New York cast the longest shadow over his career. Morris always disavowed mob involvement; when the subject of his well-known gangster friends came up, he was fond of pointing to a framed portrait of himself with Cardinal Spellman, remarking: 'That don't make me a Catholic. "


Morris endured over a quarter-century of government "harassment," as he called it, but seemed immune from prosecution, even after a policeman lost an eye to him in a 1975 brawl, and after two business associates were murdered, apparently by the mob. (His brother Zachariah, better known as Irving, was murdered as well, in January 1959. He was stabbed to death at Birdland by a collector for mob loan sharks after ordering the man's prostitute wife from the club. Despite legend, it was not a gangland hit.) Morris's string ran out at long last in 1988, when he was convicted along with a Genovese underboss on extortion charges, fie died of cancer two years later, at sixty-two.


Morris's gangster ties were never a secret to the record business. To say that few held it against him is an understatement. The industry, which knew him as Moishe, revered him. He was chairman emeritus of the music division of the United Jewish Appeal and a key fund-raiser for other music charities. His philanthropy was not the only reason, or even the main reason, the business embraced him. It went much deeper. Morris reverberated with the industry's street mythos. He looked like Big Jule in Guys and Dolls—large, stocky, with an enormous neck and huge, hamlike hands. His voice sounded like sandpaper in the glottis.


In another trade besides vinyl, a man like Morris Levy might have been a pariah. The record business has never shrunk from the mob. At the end of World War II, the industry's best customers were jukebox operators, and many of them were mafiosi. Since the Depression, the Mafia has played a key role in artist management and booking (especially of black performers), pressing, and independent distribution.


In the record business, to be close to dangerous men like Levy is to take on some of their attributes and accrue some of their avoirdupois. It confers far more status than, for example, an MBA, which is perhaps even a liability.


Walter Yetnikoff found this out early in his career. According to Morris, "One of Walter's first assignments at CBS as a young kid was to collect $400,000 off me. He collected it. See, that was the beginning of his rise at CBS." Walter grew fond of Morris and spent time at Levy's farm. Yetnikoff invested money in Malinowski, an improbably named Irish racehorse that Morris owned and stabled there. (Morris also sold shares in horses to rock stars Billy Joel, Daryl Hall, and their managers.) At the end of a long, abusive day, haggling on the phone with lawyers and managers, Walter would call Moishe and unload his troubles. One time Morris demanded three dollars for "psychiatric consultation"; Walter sent a check, which Levy framed and hung. Morris believed that Walter was the last of the great characters, a member of his dying breed. "Walter could be a throwback," he said.


"Throwback" was the wrong word. Walter, after all, was only six years Morris's junior. It is well to remember how young the American record industry is and how rapidly it has grown up. In 1955 the industry's total sales were about $277 million. Revenues have increased over 2000 percent, and today's key record executives and lawyers and managers are not even a generation removed from the founders. Nor are they much different.




On a day in early 1987, Roulette Records' offices on the eighteenth floor of 1790 Broadway could have been mistaken for those of a rundown CPA firm, had it not been for the gold albums and rock posters on the walls. Facing Morris Levy's cluttered desk was an old upright piano. A sign on the wall proclaimed, O LORD, GIVE ME A BASTARD WITH TALENT! Just above it was a hole drilled by federal agents, who had snuck into Levy's office in the middle of the night and planted an omnidirectional microphone. The ceiling had two holes, each for a hidden video camera. Morris was in good spirits, considering that the previous September he had been nabbed by two FBI agents in a Boston hotel room and indicted for extortion. Never a sharp dresser, Morris was arrayed in blue jeans and an old polo shirt and had several days' worth of stubble. He leaned across the desk and began to tell his story.


"One of my first jobs in a nightclub was at the Ubangi Club. That was in '45 or '44. I was just sixteen years old. I was a checkroom boy. Then I became a darkroom boy. The camera girls would go around clubs taking flash photos. You were in a room in the back of the club, and you got the negatives, and you developed 'em and had 'em ready in fifteen minutes for the customers. Before that there, I was a dishwasher and a short-order cook. I worked in a restaurant called Toby's on the corner of Fifty-second and Broadway. The kids from the checkroom at the Ubangi used to come up for coffee, and they're the ones who told me about it. So I tried the checkroom and the darkroom, one led to the other, which is sort of the way your whole life goes,


"I became good at the darkroom. I advanced with the people I worked for and became a head guy, setting up darkrooms around the country. We had the rights to a lot of clubs. In Atlantic City, there was Babette's, the Dude Ranch, the Chateau Renault. In Philadelphia, there was the Walton Roof, the Rathskeller, Frank Colombo's. In Newark, it was the Hourglass; in Miami, there was places like the 600 Club, the Frolics Club, the 5 O'Clock Club. New York itself had two hundred nightclubs, probably. You could go out any night of the week and see any one of a hundred stage shows or dance bands. It was a different world.


"When I was seventeen, I joined the navy. I was away for a year. I got out in '45 and went back into darkroom work. I tried my own concession, in Atlantic City, and went broke.


"Then an opportunity came up. There was a guy out of Boston who opened up a big place called Topsy's Chicken Roost on Broadway, under the Latin Quarter. And he wanted out. So I got my old bosses to buy the club off him with no money down, and for that I got a small piece of the club and a big piece of the checkroom. We were a chicken restaurant. We served as much as a thousand chicken dinners a night, for $1.29. And we opened up a little lounge there called the Cock Lounge. Billy Taylor played there, Sylvia Sims, and other acts like that. It was a groovy little spot.


"In the beginning of '48, Symphony Sid and Monte Kay came down about running a bebop concert. We put the bebop in on a Monday night, there was a line up the block. We had Dexter Gordon or Charlie Parker or Miles Davis. They did two nights a week, and then it grew to three nights a week, then six and seven nights a week. That's where Billy Eckstine got started. It was really fabulous. We became the Royal Roost, the first bebop club in the city.
"Then the three partners decided to move to a much bigger place. They moved to the old Zanzibar, which seated like twelve hundred people, and opened up Bop City. And when they moved over, they forgot about me. I felt I got screwed. I stayed with the Royal Roost, I tried to run it, but it ran into the ground.


"About three months later, Monte Kay came to me about opening up competition for Bop City. We opened Birdland at Fifty-second and Broadway on December 15, 1949. But we found out that Bop City was so powerful, we couldn't get an act unless they didn't want it. Harry Belafonte worked Birdland for like a hundred a week. But we had great difficulties booking the club.


"We finally came up with a Machiavellian move against Bop City. Every time we reached for an act, they would get it. So we went to the big booking agents and said, You've got a band we want: Amos Milburn and his Chicken Shackers. Which really don't belong in a jazz joint. We picked another band that played tobacco barn dances. And they said, We'll get back to you. And being that we tried to book those two bands, they grabbed 'em and put 'em into Bop City. We got ahold of Charlie Parker. So we sort of stunk out their place and got tremendous goodwill at our place. From that point on, we drove Bop City into the ground. Everybody wanted to work Birdland."


Morris next discovered publishing. "I was in my club one night', and a guy comes in from ASCAP [the American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers, a performing-rights agency] and said he wanted money every month. I thought it was a racket guy trying to shake me down. I wanted to throw him out. And then he came back again and said he's going to sue. I said. Get the fuck outta here. I went to my lawyer and I says, What is this guy? He keeps coming down, he wants money. My lawyer says, He's entitled to it. By act of Congress, you have to pay to play music. I said, Everybody in the world's gotta pay? That's a hell of a business. I'm gonna open up a publishing company!"


Morris called it Patricia Music, after his first wife. (He would marry and divorce four more times and father three sons.) Patricia Music's first copyright was "Lullaby of Birdland.""I went to George Shearing, I says. Write me a theme and record it. It's probably one of the most recorded pieces in the world.


"And during that period, I opened up other nightclubs and restaurants, like the Embers, the Round Table, the Down Beat, the Blue Note, Birdland in Florida. ..."


Colorful as it is, Morris's account of his early days in nightclubs omits some details. He failed to mention the wiseguys who were his silent partners. He did not explain where the money came from to open Birdland, though he said Morris Gurlak, a hatcheck concessionaire who had employed him and his brother, Irving, donated a few thousand dollars. Some years after Birdland opened, New York police investigators put together a dossier on Levy. They believed that Morris and Irving took over Birdland from mobster Joseph "Joe the Wop" Cataldo. When Levy and Morris Gurlak opened the Round Table Restaurant, a steakhouse on Fiftieth Street, in 1958, police sources identified some of the other partners. One was Frank Carbo, the so-called "underworld commissioner of boxing," a convicted killer with ties to Murder Incorporated. Another was John "Johnny Bathbeach" Oddo, a caporegime, or captain, in the Colombo family.


Morris's ties to Mafia figures can be traced back at least to when he was fourteen and a hatcheck boy at the Greenwich Village Inn. There he won the favor of Tommy Eboli, future head of the Genovese family and a future partner in records. As a club and restaurant owner. Morris is thought to have fronted for Genovese soldier Dominic Ciaffone, also known as Swats Mulligan. Swats had a nephew, Gaetano Vastola, who went by several nicknames: "Corky,""the Big Guy,""the Galoot," Morris did business with Vastola for thirty years; the Big Guy was convicted in 1989 as an accomplice to the same crime that brought Levy a jail sentence. Swats was proud of his nephew; a federal wiretap once caught him bragging, "This kid could tear a human being apart with his hands."


The Genovese family, which became central to Morris's life, is one of the five large Mafia families of New York, the others being the Gambino, the Lucchese, the Bonanno. and the Colombo. The Genovese faction makes money the old-fashioned way: illegal gambling, loan-sharking, drugs, prostitution. It also has a grip on legitimate enterprises like garbage collection, the New Jersey waterfront. Teamsters locals and other unions, and the Fulton Fish Market in lower Manhattan. The concrete industry in New-York is under Genovese domination.


The family has a bloody history. Law enforcers trace its roots to the Castellammarese War of 1930, which raged between forces headed by Salvatore Maranzano and Joe "the Boss" Masseria. The war ended in 1931 when Joe the Boss was lured to a Coney Island restaurant by one of his own lieutenants, Charles "Lucky" Luciano, and shot dead. This left Maranzano the capo di tutti capi, or boss of bosses—but not for long. A few months later, four men posing as police officers walked into Maranzano's Park Avenue office, shot him, and slit his throat. The assassins had been sent by Lucky Luciano, who thereby seized command of what was then called the Luciano family. When Lucky went to jail in 1936, his underboss, Vito Genovese, took over. The family has since borne his name. Genovese soon fled to Italy to escape prosecution, and Frank Costello assumed control. When Genovese returned to New York in 1945, he began plotting to depose Costello.


A decade later, Costello was allowed to step down, a rare privilege in the Mafia, which has perhaps the world's worst retirement program. It was a reward for his observance of the mob's sacred omerta, or code of silence. Costello had refused to identify the man who tried to kill him. On May 2, 1957, Costello entered the lobby of his Central Park West apartment building when a gunman called his name. As he turned around, a bullet grazed his skull. He was discharged from Roosevelt Hospital a short time later, very much alive. The gunman's identity was no secret. He was Vincent "the Chin" Gigante, a former club boxer and Genovese soldier on the make. Chin was indicted for the murder attempt, but Costello cleared him.


Genovese regained control of the family, only to die of heart failure in federal prison in 1969. The reins passed to Tommy Eboli, who, among other dubious achievements, was Gigante's boxing manager. Around that time, according to police files, Morris Levy sold Eboli a half share in Promo Records, a New Jersey company, for $100,000, and placed him on the payroll at a salary of $1,000 a week. Promo Records specialized in cutouts: old, unsold albums dumped wholesale by record companies into the hands of discount merchandisers. The mob has long liked cutouts because they can be counterfeited easily: You buy a thousand and press several thousand more yourself. Promo was never charged with any crime, but Eboli and Morris kept complaining of government harassment. Customs agents stopped them both in 1971 as they returned from a vacation in Naples. Eboli insisted he was a legitimate businessman. A year later, he was mowed down by gunfire in Brooklyn.


Morris saw nothing untoward in his having run a business with Tommy Eboli. "Yeah, so?" he said. "Here's a guy that wanted to do something legit. He treated it legit. We were investigated every three weeks, we never had a bad record in the place, because if we did, we would have gone to jail together. So? So what?"


Vincent Gigante, the man who allegedly bungled the hit on Frank Costello, was a year younger than Morris Levy. He and Morris were boyhood friends in the Bronx. The FBI saw Gigante as the key mob figure in Morris's background, the man to whom he owed the most allegiance. Just before
Morris was indicted in 1986, the FBI supposedly warned him that Gigante might have him killed out of fear that he would become a government witness —precisely what the feds wanted Morris to do, to no avail.


Gigante stood about six feet tall and, at the time of the Costello hit, weighed close to three hundred pounds. He listed his occupation as tailor. In 1959 he was convicted of heroin trafficking and did five years. This was his last term in jail. After serving his sentence, he rose up the family ranks to caporegime, operating out of a social club on Sullivan Street in New York's Greenwich Village. By the eighties, he was underboss to family head Anthony "Fat Tony" Salerno, a man Morris once described as a "close friend." Unfortunately for Salerno, the FBI had grown sophisticated in the use of room bugs and long-range microphones. Salerno was convicted of being a member of the mob's ruling commission and began serving a hundred-year sentence in 1986. This left Vincent “The Chin” Gigante in charge of the Genovese family.


By 1986 Gigante was one of the few Mafia dons not in prison or under indictment. Lawmen expressed admiration for his craftiness. It seemed Gigante had found the ideal defense: insanity. The boss of one of the nation's most powerful crime families walked around Sullivan Street in bathrobe and slippers. He regularly checked into a mental hospital. When FBI agents served him with a subpoena in his mother's apartment, he retreated into the shower with an umbrella.


But at 2:00 or 3:00 A.M. most days, the Genovese boss became a different man. He would shed his baggy trousers and rumpled windbreaker for finer clothes. His trusted aide, Dominick "Baldy Dom" Canterino, would drive him to a four-story brownstone on East Seventy-seventh Street, the home of The Chin's mistress, Olympia Esposito, and their three illegitimate children. When the neo-Federal brownstone was declared a landmark in 1982, it belonged to Morris Levy, who had bought it for $525,000. He sold the building to Olympia Esposito the following year for a reported $16,000.




"George Goldner," Morris said, tasting the name. Goldner! One of the greatest A&R men in the history of rock and roll. It is impossible to imagine New York rhythm and blues without him. He discovered and produced Frankie Lymon and the Teenagers, Little Anthony and the Imperials, the Flamingos, the Cleftones, the Chantels. . . .


Goldner formed his first label, Tico, in 1948, to record Latin and mambo music, and hit it big with Tito Puente. In 1954, on his Rama label, he recorded "Gee!," a song by the Crows that was one of the first R&B hits to cross over to the white pop charts. He gratefully named his third label Gee, and promptly put out Frankie Lymon's "Why Do Fools Fall in Love?" On subsequent labels, Goldner introduced the Four Seasons and made some of the earliest recordings of the Isley Brothers. In 1964 Goldner formed Red Bird Records with producers Jerry Leiber and Mike Stoller, and had hits with the Shangri-Las and the Dixie Cups. He kept starting new labels for a reason. A compulsive gambler, he was forever selling his old labels to Morris Levy for desperately needed cash.


"He liked horses," Morris said. "He always needed money. Any degenerate gambler needs money all the time. It's like being a junkie, isn't it? It's a shame, because George knew music and knew what could be a hit. But if he was worried about the fifth race at Delaware and working the record at the same time, he had a problem. George was a character, and a victim of himself."


Morris met Goldner after inducing Tito Puente, who played at Birdland, to switch from Tico Records to RCA Victor. Levy produced some records for RCA in the fifties. "George came to see me. I never met him before. He says, You took away my number one act, you really hurt my label. I said, Jesus, George, I didn't realize it, I'm sorry. Because I really didn't do it to hurt the man. He says, Well, maybe you can help me. . . ."


Goldner had a plan, and it concerned the Crows' new song, "Gee!" Morris had been putting the jazz acts that played Birdland into package tours and sending them on the road. In so doing, he had set up what he called "the best payola system in the United States." He explained, "Whenever our jazz concerts played a city, I would hire a couple of disc jockeys in the town to emcee the show. They got money for that, which was legitimate. George had this new record by the Crows, and he says, You know a lot of the black jockeys in America. So I helped him get his record played. He says. Let's become partners. With me making the records, and you getting 'em played, we'll do a hell of a business. So we did. And that was the beginning of Gee Records."


One year later, in 1956, Morris created Roulette. It was launched as a rock and roll label but also recorded Birdland stars such as Count Basie and Joe Williams. "I formed Roulette," Morris said, "because George kept telling me I didn't know nothing about the record business, and it aggravated me. And I says. Okay, now I'm gonna form a record company that I'm gonna run. The first records on Roulette were by Buddy Knox and Jimmy Bowen. They hit number one and number eleven within five weeks. [The songs were "Party Doll" and "I'm Sticking with You," respectively.] George got disillusioned and we bought him out." So Roulette picked up Frankie Lymon, the Valentines, the Harptones, the Crows. Goldner came back in the mid-sixties and sold Morris his subsequent labels, Gone and End. Roulette now had the Chantels, the Flamingos, the Imperials.


Around this time, another man central to the history of rock and roll entered Morris Levy's life. His name was Alan Freed. He was a trombone player from Salem, Ohio, who worked as a disc jockey, first in New Castle, Pennsylvania, then Youngstown and Akron. He had a drinking problem and a penchant for trouble. In Akron, Freed left one station for another before his contract expired and was legally barred from broadcasting in the city for a year. He moved to Cleveland and settled at WJW in 1951.


In the early fifties, pop radio was dominated by crooners like Perry Como and Andy Williams. It dawned on Alan Freed that America's youth was disenfranchised by this music because it was hard to dance to. As legend has it, he dropped by a Cleveland record store and became a convert to rhythm and blues. Freed bombarded his growing white audience with the first R&B it had ever heard—LaVern Baker, Red Prysock, Big Al Sears. Freed howled while the records played, beat time on a telephone book, and provided a rapid, raspy commentary: "Anybody who says rock and roll is a passing fad ... has rocks in his head, Dad!" He was so popular that in 1954, WINS in New York acquired Freed and his program, "The Moondog Show."


Freed was promptly sued by a blind New York street musician, Louis "Moondog" Hardin, for infringing his name. Hardin won an injunction, and Freed sulkily agreed to retitle his show. Freed went to P. J. Moriarty's, a Broadway restaurant, and sat down with some of the people who had welcomed him to New York: song-plugger Juggy Gayles, manager Jack Hooke, Morris Levy. "Alan was having a few drinks and bemoaning the fact that he had to come up with a new name," Morris recalled. "To be honest with you, I couldn't say if Alan said it or somebody else said it. But somebody said 'rock and roll.' Everybody just went. Yeah. Rock and roll." The WINS program became "Alan Freed's Rock and Roll Show," and a musical form acquired a name.


Freed set up shop in the Brill Building on Broadway. He had begun to host rock and roll concerts, a lucrative endeavor, and who was better at booking concert halls than Morris? "At that time, I used to take the Birdland stars on the road," Morris said. "So he came to me, Alan, and says, I want you to be my manager.*[* More likely, according to people who knew Freed, Morris encouraged the DJ's original manager, Lew Platt, to make himself scarce].
I said, My deal is fifty-fifty. He says fine. About five days later, the manager of WINS says, Moishe, we have a problem. Alan Freed's been in town a week now, and he's already given away a hundred and twenty percent of himself! He had a lot of talent, but he was also a little nuts."


Morris remained Freed's manager nevertheless. "The first show I did with Alan Freed was two nights at the St. Nicholas Arena. Which I think at that time held seven, eight thousand people. He made four announcements, six weeks before the dance, and $38,000 came in the mail. I says, Oh my God. This is crazy. Well, it was two of the biggest dances ever held. The ceiling was actually dripping from the moisture. It was raining inside the St. Nicholas Arena. I'm not exaggerating."


Encouraged, Morris booked the Brooklyn Paramount, a large movie house with a stage. Under the standard arrangement, the Paramount kept half the proceeds over $50,000 but guaranteed $15,000 for the promoters. Morris had other ideas. He waived the guarantee in return for an escalating percentage of the box office that would reach 90 percent at the $60,000 mark. No Paramount show had ever grossed near that amount, so the terms were granted.


"Alan stopped talking to me, because people had steamed him up that I sold him down the river by not taking a guarantee. As a matter of fact, one big agent bet me a case of Chivas that we're gonna get killed. Well, we opened up the first day, and there's lines in the streets, and the pressure's so great at the door that we start to cut out the movie. Alan and I pass each other in the hallway. I says, How's it goin', Alan? He makes a face. I says. Hey, Alan, let me ask you a question. You wanna sell your end now for twenty thousand? He says, What do you mean? We're making money? I says, Alan. And I told him what we're gonna make for the week. And he started talking to me again."


When Morris formed Roulette Records, he gave Freed 25 percent of the stock. Freed promptly sold his shares to "some wiseguys from around town," Morris said, bending his nose with his index finger to signify that the men were hoods. Who were they? "That's none of your business. And I got hold of Alan, and I said, Gimme back my fucking stock. Here's your contract with the shows, but we're not partners no more."


The payola scandal of 1960 destroyed Freed's life. He was indicted on May 19, along with seven others, and charged with taking bribes to play records. Freed admitted he accepted a total of $2,500, but said the money was a token of gratitude and did not affect airplay. He forgot to mention that the Chess brothers of Chicago let him stick his name on Chuck Berry's first hit, "Maybellene," and that he stood to gain by playing it often. Freed paid a small fine, but his career was over. By 1965 he had drunk himself to death.


"Bullshit charges," said Morris, reflecting on the scandal. "Freed got indicted because Freed stuck himself out in front. I had stopped talking to Freed because we'd had an argument for a few months. But when he got in trouble, he did call me. And I told him, I'll help you. But do me a favor. Go home and don't talk to nobody. And before the day was over, I was walking down the street, and the New York Post was sitting on the stand, and there's this big interview with Alan Freed. He had already talked to Earl Wilson, the columnist. And I called and said, What the fuck did you do? Did you see the size of the type? The type was the same size when World War II ended."


Payola was not illegal, in fact, until after the scandal. Commercial bribery was a crime in New York, though, and that statute proved Freed's undoing. The government tried to nail Roulette on the same charges but had no luck.
"Oh, yeah, they tried to break my balls with everything," Morris said. "They put their special agents in New York, they harassed the shit out of me. The government came in and seized our books. I went before the grand jury, and they were hot, because on my books there was a loan to Alan Freed of $20,000. And the D.A. wanted to show it was for payola.


"Now, Alan had once come to me, he wanted $20,000 that he needed for taxes. And I gave it to him from Roulette, it was no big deal. And at the end of the year, I said to my comptroller. Take that off the books, we're never going to get it back anyway. And then Alan and I had an argument in February. So I said to my comptroller, Put it back on the books, fuck him, I'm going to make him pay it. Then, about four months later, I said, Ah, take it off, fuck him. And it's really on the general ledger just like that, about five times, on and off and on and off.


"So the D.A. makes a statement, see, this shows you how payola works, this $20,000. So he's questioning me. And I says no, it's not payola. I got mad, I got glad, I got mad, I got glad. He says no, it's because he played your record. I said, Not so. He played my records anyway. So when he got all through, he starts to make a speech. This will show the people of the grand jury what kind of money and how rampant it is. So he said, You're excused. And I says to him, I got something to say. He said, You're excused. So one of the jurors said. Let him talk. So what is it? I said, You know, we just had a laugh here about $20,000—which was a lot of money then—and we just had some fun. But you didn't take into account that Alan and I are partners in the rock and roll shows, and we make $250,000 a year each on that. So me giving him twenty or him giving me twenty is really no big deal. Well, he got so mad he said, You . . . can . . . leave . . . now!"


The government tried to get Morris to sign a consent decree, admitting he had done wrong in giving payola. He refused. "People said I was an idiot, and I had plenty of grief because of that," Levy said. "But I liked myself better for not signing it."

To be continued in Part 2.

Oscar Peterson Trio - Cubano Chant

Part 2 - Lullaby of Gangland by Fredric Dannen

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© -  Steven A. Cerra - copyright protected; all rights reserved.

"An entertaining collection of anecdotes about an uproariously unsavory subculture of egomaniacs, sybarites, goniffs, and music lovers... Mr. Dannen has a knack for the telling quote and a healthy appetite for the juicy story."
—ROBERT CHRISTGAU, THE NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW

"Anyone with more than a passing interest in the inner workings of the [music] industry will be enthralled by the juicy tales [Dannen] has to tell."—THE NEW YORK TIMES

"A knowing and unsentimental glimpse into the inner workings of the music business... Dannen got the inside story, and he got it right."
—LOS ANGELES TIMES BOOK REVIEW

“A sobering, blunt and unusually well-observed depiction of the sometimes sordid inner working of the music business.”
-BILLBOARD
Almost since its inception, Jazz has had a long association with the criminal underworld and its vices.
Bars, Gin Joints, Speakeasies, private parties, hotel and casino lounges - wherever “live” Jazz was performed, there usually was a corollary with some form of gangland activity.
Not surprisingly then, when Jazz made its way into the recording studio, the record business, and the world of music publishing, not surprisingly, the organized crime did, too.
While “Hit records,” per se, are fairly rare in the Jazz lexicon, the substrata and substructures connected with the record and music publishing business that author Fredric Dannen describes in the following “Lullaby of Gangland” chapter were also very commonplace in many phases of the Jazz World in general.

And while the number of “hit records” from the Jazz idiom might pale in comparison with those from popular music and rock ‘n roll, the corruption associated with funding radio airplay the later certainly played a role in curtailing what opportunities there were to feature Jazz on the air as the following dialogue will no doubt confirm.

"Do you think without payola that a lot of this so-called junk music, rock and roll stuff, which appeals to teenagers would not be played?" one congressman demanded of a disc jockey.

"Never get on the air," came the solemn reply.

Copiously researched and documented, Fredric Dannen’s Hit Men [New York: Vintage, 1991] is a highly controversial portrait of the pop music industry in all its wild, ruthless glory: the insatiable greed and ambition; the enormous egos; the fierce struggles for profits and power; the vendettas, rivalries, shakedowns, and payoffs. Chronicling the evolution of America's largest music labels from the Tin Pan Alley days to the present day, Fredric Dannen examines in depth the often venal, sometimes illegal dealings among the assorted hustlers and kingpins who rule over this multi-billion-dollar business.

Lullaby of Gangland - Part 2


"Payola" is a word the record industry has bestowed on the English language. The term's familiarity has led to a common perception — unfortunately true — that the business is full of sharpies and opportunists and crooks. But as crimes go, payola is no big deal if the government's enforcement effort is an indication. After Freed's commercial bribery bust in I960 and congressional hearings on payola the same year, Congress passed a statute making payola a misdemeanor offense punishable by a maximum fine of $10,000 and one year in prison. To date, no one has ever served a day in jail on payola charges. The law is hardly a strong deterrent. [The FCC weakened the statute even further in 1979 by ruling that “social exchanges between friends are not payola.” This loophole makes the statute virtually unenforceable.]

Worse, the 1960 statute unwittingly laid the groundwork for the "new" payola of the Network. Because disc jockeys had proven so easy to bribe in the fifties, the selection of records at a station was passed to the higher level of program director. This meant, of course, that a bribe-giver needed to seduce only one person rather than several to have a station locked up.

Even the commercial bribery laws were fairly toothless; Morris Levy was probably right when he said that Freed would have beaten the charges had he been less belligerent. The legions of radio people and record executives called before the congressional payola hearings of 1960 made a mockery of the law's ambiguity. Unless it could be shown that they took money to play specific records, there was no illegality. So no one disputed receiving cash and gifts, just what the boodle was for. It magically turned into thank-you money. Thanks for giving my little ol' record a spin, pal—even though I never asked you to.

The men who presided over the hearings were not bowled over by the logic of this explanation. It drove some of them to sarcasm. One congressman demanded of a record executive, "Is it not a fact that these payments were payola up until the time that this investigation started? Then suddenly they became appreciation payments or listening fees or something else?"

Rock historians like to gripe that the hearings were an attack on rock and roll. Maybe they were. But the congressmen heard expert testimony that payola could be traced back at least to 1947, when the record business began to take off. It even existed in the Big Band era. "It was customary for the song plugger to walk up to a [band leader] and slip him an envelope with some money in it," one witness testified. No doubt some politicians believed that were it not for payola, radio would be playing Frank Sinatra and Dinah Shore instead of Screamin' Jay Hawkins. "Do you think without payola that a lot of this so-called junk music, rock and roll stuff, which appeals to teenagers would not be played?" one congressman demanded of a disc jockey. "Never get on the air," came the solemn reply.

The committee called to the stand a Boston disc jockey named Joe Smith. He wasn't much at the time, but Smith would go on to become the president of three big labels: Warner Bros., Elektra/ Asylum, and, in 1986, Capitol-EMI. Smith never showed much talent for business—in his last two years at Elektra, the once-booming label lost $27 million—but he sure was funny. He turned up on daises year after year as the industry's favorite roastmaster, its Don Rickles. (He once introduced Seymour Stein, president of Sire Records, as "the man who is to the record industry what surfing is to the state of Kansas.") In 1960 it was Joe Smith who got roasted, by Representative Walter Rogers of Texas.

Rogers: Well now, you got a note that says "thank you" and it had a check with it for $175. . . .

Smith: I accepted it as a gift, and why they sent it to me, I cannot tell you, sir. . . .

Rogers:    Did you report it as earned income?

Smith:     Yes, sir.

Rogers: If it was a gift, you did not have to report it as income. The government owes you some money. ...
Smith: Sir, I want no more truck with the government after today, I assure you, sir.

Smith was small potatoes, however. The committee was more interested in Richard Wagstaff Clark, better known as Dick Clark, the host of ABC-TV's American Bandstand. It was impossible not to compare him with Alan Freed, if only because both men played a seminal role in bringing rock music to white teenagers. Since Freed's last radio job in New York was at WABC, he and Dick Clark had worked for the same parent company. However, as one congressman pointed out to Clark, "ABC fired him and retained you."
Dick Clark and Alan Freed were different sorts. Freed was rumpled, loud, and a drunkard. Clark was the All-American Boy.

In fact, ABC picked Clark for Bandstand in 1956 because of his clean image; a drunk driving charge had forced the resignation of the original host. But if you placed their outside interests side by side, Clark and Freed began to look more alike. Clark had a piece of so many companies that could profit from his television program—thirty-three in all—that the committee had to draw a diagram to keep track of them. He had interests in music publishers, record-pressing plants, and an artist-management firm. He had equity in three Philadelphia record companies. He had a third of a toy company that made a stuffed cat with a 45 rpm (the "Platter-Puss"). George Goldner gave him copyrights. Coronation Music assigned him the rights to "Sixteen Candles," a rock classic. He managed Duane Eddy and played his songs endlessly on Bandstand. He accepted a fur coat, necklace, and ring for his wife. He invested $175 in one record label and made back more than $30,000.
In the end, the committee chairman pronounced Clark "a fine young man." He was allowed to divest his companies and walk away. By the eighties, Dick Clark was still host of American Bandstand, as well as The $25,000 Pyramid, and TV's Bloopers and Practical jokes. He owned one of the biggest independent production companies in Hollywood. He had a Rolls-Royce, a Mercedes, a Jaguar, and a house in Malibu. Forbes put his net worth at $180 million.

Morris Levy, for his part, was not asked to testify before Congress. One hot topic of the 1960 hearings concerned Roulette Records, however. The previous May a disc jockey convention was held at the Americana Hotel in Miami Beach, drawing over two thousand industry people. The biggest event was an all-night barbecue hosted by Roulette, featuring Count Basie. Roulette spent more than $15,000 on the bash, half of it for bourbon (two thousand bottles' worth, according to hotel ledger books). Basie started swinging at midnight and didn't stop until dawn, at which point Roulette served breakfast. The event became known as the three B's, for bar, barbecue, and breakfast. A Miami News headline on May 31, 1959, read FOR DEEJAYS: BABES, BOOZE AND BRIBES.


Morris was not a man deterred by stern laws, let alone feeble ones like the payola statute. His contempt for authority had begun as a child. When he recorded Frankie Lymon's "I'm Not a Juvenile Delinquent"—and substituted his name for Lymon's as author—there was irony at play, because he was a juvenile delinquent. All his frustration exploded in one incident at school — an event, he later said, that "changed my whole life."

"I was very bright. I could get an 'A' in any subject I wanted to, without working at it. I really could. Read a history book at the beginning of the term, take the test, and get an 'A.'

"But I had this one teacher, she had no business teaching school. Miss Clare. We had her for homeroom. Must have been seventy-five years old, never got fucked in her life, probably. And she hated me. One day she gave us a math test, and everybody failed it very bad, except for me and another person. She says to the class, you're not gonna do homeroom this period, you're gonna do math because of the poor showing. So my hand shot right up, and I says. What about those who passed the test? She looks at me and says, Levy, you're a troublemaker. I'm gonna get you out of this classroom if I have to take your family off home relief.

"And I got up — I was a big kid — took her wig off her head, poured an inkwell on her bald head, and put her wig back on her fucking head. Walked out of school and said, Fuck school. Never really went back to school after that there. I was sentenced for eight years to [reform school] by the children's court. And when we got the [welfare] check on the first of the month, I used to mail it back to the state, or the city, or whoever the fuck it was. That's what a teacher can do to you. This bitch had no fucking humanity."

Miss Clare had said the wrong thing. Morris was painfully embarrassed to be on Board of Child Welfare, though he was more than eligible. His father and oldest brother had died of pneumonia when he was a baby. After his middle brother, Irving, joined the navy, he lived alone with his mother in a Bronx tenement. She worked as a house cleaner and suffered from high blood pressure, diabetes, and lockjaw so severe that her front teeth had to be knocked out so she could take food. "Every sickness in the world just came at once on this lady," Morris sighed.

Morris made up for his childhood poverty but never shook the law of the street and the arrogance it entailed. He saw nothing wrong, for example, in putting his name on other people's songs so that he could get writer's as well as publisher's royalties. When Ritchie Cordell wrote "It's Only Love" for Tommy James and the Shondells, Roulette's biggest act of the sixties, "Morris," he said, "gave me back the demo bent in half and told me if his name wasn't on it, the song didn't come out."

Morris was not alone in believing this was his right. "He's entitled to everything," said Hy Weiss, who grew up with Morris in the East Bronx and became a fellow rock and roll pioneer as founder of the Old Town label. "What were these bums off the street?" Nor did Weiss see anything wrong with the practice of giving an artist a Cadillac instead of his royalties. "So what, that's what they wanted. You had to have credit to buy the Cadillac."

No performer, however big, was sacrosanct to Morris Levy. John Lennon found this out. Lennon's last album with the Beatles, Abbey Road, included his song "Come Together," which sounded similar to Chuck Berry's "You Can't Catch Me," a Levy copyright. Morris sued, but backed off when Lennon proposed a settlement. His next solo album would be a compendium of oldies, including three songs Levy owned. Recording began in late 1973, but the project stalled. Morris interpreted the delay as a breach of settlement. He had dinner with Lennon, who promised to complete the oldies album. Morris let Lennon rehearse at Sunnyview, his farm in upstate New York, and took him and his eleven-year-old son, Julian, to Disney World. He asked Lennon if he could borrow the unedited tape of the songs he intended for the album —just for listening. Morris then released the songs as a TV mailorder album, Roots. More litigation followed, but Lennon prevailed, and Roots was withdrawn.

Morris is also listed with Frankie Lymon as author of the hit "Why Do Fools Fall in Love?" and other songs he did not write. Sued for back royalties in 1984 by Lymon's widow, Emira Eagle, Morris was pressed to explain under oath how he helped write the tune. "You get together, you get a beat going, and you put the music and words together," he testified. "I think I would be misleading you if I said I wrote songs, per se, like Chopin."

Whether or not Morris took advantage of artists, he never allowed others to take advantage of him. "If you screw him," said one former friend, "he'll always get revenge." Morris was known to administer his own brand of frontier justice. "Given where we came from," said Hy Weiss, "we were capable of a lot of things." For his part, Weiss claimed he once hung a man out a window to settle a business dispute. Another time, Weiss said, he and Morris drove to Rockaway, New York, with a baseball bat, "to bust up a plant that was bootlegging us."

Morris could become violent if provoked, as he demonstrated on the night of February 26, 1975. He, Father Louis Gigante (the Chin's brother, a Bronx priest), Roulette employee Nathan McCalla, and a woman friend of Levy's, identified as Chrissie, were leaving Jimmy Weston's, a Manhattan jazz club. Three strangers approached Chrissie, and one made a flirtatious remark. Morris took offense, and a fight ensued. Two of the men turned out to be plainclothes police detectives. McCalla held the hands of Lieutenant Charles Heinz while Morris punched him in the face, costing him his left eye. Morris and McCalla were indicted for assault, but the case was inexplicably dropped before coming to trial. Heinz brought a civil suit, which was settled out of court. "Morris told me, Louie, I didn't know the cop was hurt," Father Gigante said, years later. "I just fought him."

Nate McCalla was commonly thought to have been Morris's "enforcer" until he disappeared in the late seventies. He was found murdered in 1980. A former army paratrooper, McCalla stood over 6' and weighed 250 pounds. Morris was so fond of Nate that he gave him his own record label, Calla, which recorded soul singers Bettye Lavette and J. J. Jackson. Morris also gave him a music publishing company that McCalla, a black man from Harlem, called JAMF — for Jive-Ass Mother Fucker.

"If I was going to describe Nate, I'd recall the song 'Bad, Bad Leroy Brown,'" said an attorney who did legal work for McCalla. "He had hands like baseball gloves. But he was as gentle as a Great Dane." Most of the time, that is. Once, in the mid-seventies, McCalla went to Skippy White's, a record store in Boston, to collect a delinquent debt. Said an eyewitness, "Nate had a medieval mace and chain, and was slinging it against his hand. He said, 'Where's the boss?' The boss immediately wrote a check."

Though it is not known why McCalla was killed, Washington, D.C., homicide detectives think they have some clues. In 1977 a rock concert was held at the Take It Easy Ranch on Maryland's eastern shore. The concert was sponsored by Washington disc jockey Bob "Nighthawk" Terry, but law officers believe the Genovese family had a financial interest. According to a police report, tickets were counterfeited by two men, Theodore Brown and Howard McNair, and the concert lost money. Brown and McNair were shot dead. Terry vanished, and his body has never been found. McCalla, who was traced to the scene of the concert by the FBI, disappeared soon afterward.

In 1980 McCalla turned up in a rented house in Fort Lauderdale, dead of a gunshot wound in the back of his head, which had literally exploded. Police found him slumped in a lounge chair in front of a switched-on television. The rear door was ajar and keys were in the lock. McCalla had been dead for at least a week and was badly decomposed, a process that had accelerated because someone had sealed the windows and turned on the heater. No suspects were apprehended. Just before the murder, a neighbor saw a bearded, heavyset white stranger pull up to McCalla's house in a Blazer truck. Beyond which, deponent knoweth not.


On October 29, 197?, the music division of the United Jewish Appeal feted Morris Levy as man of the year. The testimonial banquet was held at the New York Hilton, and thirteen hundred people turned out to shower love on the man they knew as Moishe. The crowd was a Who's Who of the record business. The guests dined on sliced steak and listened to the bands of Harry James and Tito Puente. They sang "Hatikvah" and "The Star-Spangled Banner." There was dancing. A row of saxophonists did synchronized swan dips; a soprano warbled "I Don't Want to Walk Without You, Baby." Speeches were made. "This man is beautiful," gushed UJA official Herb Goldfarb, introducing Morris. Father Gigante hugged Morris and described him as "a diamond in the rough." There was more music. A calf wearing a garland of flowers was wheeled onto the dance floor in a wooden crib. It began to moo plaintively.

"Jesus Christ!" It was Joe Smith, the former disc jockey from Boston who had become the industry's favorite emcee. He was then head of Elektra Records. "I'm the president of a big record company. I'm supposed to follow a cow, for Christ's sake. The priest [Gigante] comes on with that mi corazon crap, and now I gotta follow a cow, too."

Morris had personally requested that Smith do the roasting. Smith looked out over the dais he was to introduce and saw most of the surviving characters of Morris's generation and a few of their widows.

"The thought of coming up to honor Morris Levy," Smith began, "and to introduce and say something complimentary about this crowd up here tonight, is the most difficult assignment I've ever faced. , . . They have different styles, they have different personalities, they have different approaches to the business. But two things all of these ladies and gentlemen on the dais have in common: They cheated everybody every time they could. And they are the biggest pain in the ass people to be around. ... I would tell you that with this group of cutthroats on this dais, every one of you would be safer in Central Park tonight than you are in the ballroom of the Hilton Hotel."

This got a tremendous laugh, but Smith seemed dismayed.

"Morris is not laughing too hard," he said, "so I think I'll move onward and not stay into that too long."

"Bye, Joey!" cried a voice from the dais.

"That's it, huh?" Smith replied. "I said either tonight I'm a hit, or tomorrow morning, I get hit, one or the other."

"You asked for it!"

Smith turned his attention to Hy Weiss, Morris's old neighborhood pal, who was in the back row. "Sorry about the seating arrangements," he said. "Hymie was assigned not to the table, but to room 328, where he's gonna line up the hookers for the party afterwards." There was laughter and applause. "I must tell you that Hymie Weiss, in addition to being a leader in the record business, invented the famous fifty-dollar handshake with disc jockeys. And, as always, tonight he said hello and gave me fifty. And I told him, I haven't been on the air for fifteen years, for Christ's sake."

(Weiss never denied the "handshake"; he was proud of it. He later bragged, "I was the payola king of New York. Payola was the greatest thing in the world. You didn't have to go out to dinner with someone and kiss their ass. Just pay them, here's the money, play the record, f*** you")

Smith continued introducing the dais. "Art Talmadge is the president of Musicor. Began his career with Mercury Records in 1947, where he learned to skim cash, moved on to [United Artists], where he did it good to them. They found out where the leak was. . . .

"Now, one of the biggies enters in here. Cy Leslie, chairman of the board of Pickwick. Great rip-off organization. It'll repackage this dinner tonight and sell it.

"Another representative of a great tradition and a name in the industry is Elliot Blaine. ... He and his brother Jerry . . . formed Cosnat Distributing and Jubilee Records back in 1947 and introduced the four bookkeeping system—with four separate sets of books. . . . And it took those guys ten years to find out they were screwing each other, with the distributing and Jubilee. . . .

"Mike Stewart, president of United Artists Records, a former actor — bad actor. Found four dummies from Canada, the Four Lads, milked them for everything they were worth. And he now sits with a big house in Beverly Hills, and they're working an Italian wedding in the Village tonight. ..."

Smith saved Morris for last. "I take this opportunity to extend my own personal best wishes to Moishe, a man I've known for many years, admired, and enjoyed. And I just got word from two of his friends on the West Coast that my wife and two children have been released!"

The laughter was uproarious.

In 1988, fifteen years after the UJA dinner, Moishe Levy was convicted on two counts of conspiracy to commit extortion. The music industry did not turn its back on him. Before his sentencing, Morris requested and received testimonial letters from the heads of the six largest record companies to present to his parole board and the presiding judge, Stanley Brotman. Bruce Repetto, the assistant U.S. Attorney from Newark who had nailed Morris, countered the letters with allegations, not brought out at the trial itself, that Roulette had been a way station for heroin trafficking. Brotman overlooked the drug allegations but still gave Morris ten years.

The case had begun innocently enough. In 1984 MCA decided to unload 4.7 million cutouts—discontinued albums—including past hits by Elton John, the Who, Neil Diamond, and Olivia Newton-John. Morris had been, in his day, the biggest-ever wholesaler of cutouts. MCA asked $1.25 million for the shipment, which came to sixty trailer-truckloads. Morris signed the purchase order and helped arrange for the records to go to John LaMonte, who was in the cutout business with a company called Out of the Past, based in Philadelphia. LaMonte, incidentally, was a convicted record counterfeiter.

On the surface, it looked like a simple deal, but it wasn't. A number of alleged mafiosi, including Morris's old pal Gaetano "the Big Guy" Vastola, all converged on the deal, expecting to make a "whack-up," or killing, of in some cases a hundred grand apiece. So they said, anyway, in conversations secretly monitored by the FBI. It was never clear how they would have made this whack-up, since the deal went sour. And when it did, violence and an extortion plot followed.

Though a roughneck with no evident musical ability, Vastola had a number of years' experience in the music business. This was due in part to his association with Morris. Back in the fifties, Vastola often hung around Alan Freed's office at the Brill Building, possibly keeping an eye on him for Morris. Vastola managed a few early rock groups, including the Cleftones, and apparently had an interest in Frankie Lymon and the Teenagers. And he was an owner of Queens Booking, a big agency mostly for black acts in the sixties. One Queens Booking client whom Vastola also set up with a horse farm was Sammy Davis, Jr.

Under normal circumstances, Morris's dealings with Vastola might never have come to the attention of the FBI. But he was unlucky. Other members of Vastola's crew got involved with drugs and gambling, and the FBI won court approval to eavesdrop on the suspects' conversations. As the reels started turning on FBI tape recorders, the U.S. Attorney's Office in Newark grew curious about this MCA cutout deal.

Morris was also unlucky in the choice of John LaMonte to receive the cutouts. LaMonte turned out to be a deadbeat. His refusal to pay Morris back for the records — he said they were all schlock and not the ones he ordered — ruined everybody's plans. There would be no whack-up at all unless LaMonte could be persuaded to pay.

Vastola, who had joined Morris in picking LaMonte to get the records, was furious.

"Moishe, Moishe," the FBI heard him say, "you knew this guy was a c***sucker before you made the deal, didn't you?"

"That's right," Morris agreed.

"Why did you make the deal with him?"

Because, Morris explained, he had believed LaMonte was "a controllable ***ksucker."
Vastola, the man who "could tear a human being apart with his hands," was beginning to sweat. Evidently, he had to answer to higher powers in the mob hierarchy. On the phone with his cousin Sonny Brocco, a fellow conspirator, he fretted about "what they're doing to me . . . including the Chin."

He saw only one way out. "Sonny," Vastola said, "I don't like the way this thing is going with this kid [LaMonte], I'm telling you now. . . . I'm gonna put him in a f**kin' hospital. I'm not even going to talk to him. I don't like this motherf**ker, what he's doing. ... I mean, what are they making, a a**hole out of me, or what?"

Morris was angry, too. "Go out to that place, take over the kid's business," he proposed.

"I'm ready to go over there and break his a**," Vastola said.

On May 18, 1985, Vastola confronted LaMonte in the parking lot of a New Jersey motel and punched him in the face. LaMonte's left eye socket was fractured in three places, and his face had to be reconstructed with wire. True to his word, the Big Guy had put him in the hospital.

But LaMonte still would not pay.

Relations between Morris and Vastola became strained. The two men and another conspirator, Lew Saka, met at Roulette Records on September 23, 1985, to try to sort out the mess they were in. FBI video cameras and bugs preserved the meeting for posterity.

Saka, for one, could not believe LaMonte's nerve. "He still has the balls not to come up with the money like he was supposed to," Saka clucked. "He busted his jaw, he broke it. ..."

Morris was convinced that LaMonte would not pay because he had a side deal with Vastola's cousin. Sonny Brocco.

"As far as I'm concerned," Morris said, "the one that f**ked us with him is Sonny Brocco. I say that flat out, too. What do you think of that? Because he was the one who sat in that f**king chair at the first f**king meeting last year, looking to him what to say. And that's the first time this kid [LaMonte] ever got up on his a** and got enough nerve to even talk back."

"Sonny Brocco's dying," Vastola said.

"F**k him!" Morris said.

"I went to see him at the hospital in isolation."

"What's he done, nice things for people, Sonny Brocco?" Morris demanded.
"A lot of people are dying. Let me tell you something about me. If a guy's a c**ksucker in his life, when he dies he don't become a saint."

Matters went downhill from there, and Morris finally felt it necessary to call a mediator. The man he phoned was Dominick "Baldy Dom" Canterino, the Chin's chauffeur and right-hand man.

"I'm sorry to do this to you, pal," Morris said.

Vastola began to muse aloud about the prospect of jail. He had done time twice already — for extortion. It seemed to be one of his sidelines.

"We're gonna wind up in the joint," Vastola said. "Me, I know definitely."
"I'm hotter than all of youse," Morris replied. "They'd love to get me. You know that." The government had been after him, he said, for twenty-five years.

When he arrived and took his place at the meeting, Baldy Dom was treated with deference. He listened to Vastola and Levy relate their problems with John LaMonte and then asked the obvious question: "Who gave him the records?"

There was a pause.

"The original deal?" said Morris.

"Yeah," said Canterino.

Somehow it seemed prudent to blame alleged West Coast mob figure Sal Pisello, yet another party to the transaction.

"The original deal was finally closed with Sal and him," Morris said. "Sal closed the deal with him. The deal was blown up and I said f**k it all. . . ."

"He says get rid of it," Vastola nodded.

"Sal closed the deal," Morris repeated.

"Right," agreed Lew Saka.

"Sal closed the deal with him and now we all have to live with it," Morris said. "The truth's the truth. Sal did close the deal with him."

Despite such blatantly incriminating conversations, Morris had been predicting for over a year that he would win his case. He seemed genuinely shocked to have lost it. It had been his plan, after he was acquitted, to sell Roulette and his farm and move to Australia. He remained free on bail, pending an appeal he would ultimately lose, and became gravely ill with cancer of the liver. In the meantime, he did sell all his music holdings, at long last, for more than $55 million.

"The music business was a beautiful business," he said, adding that he, Morris Levy, was the last of a breed. "The government will finish burying me off. The government don't like the mavericks and impresarios. It used to be Horatio Alger stories, now they want no-talent bums. Stick your head up above the crowd, you get it chopped off."

Morris may have been right about the government "burying" him: He died on May 21, 1990, never having served a day of his sentence. But he was wrong about being the last of a breed. If the label bosses of today are not quite as intimidating as he was, it isn't for lack of trying. Morris's more genteel contemporaries of the fifties, whose careers preceded rock and roll, are the real vanished race. When Morris formed Roulette, for example, a man of dignity and charm named Goddard Lieberson was in command of CBS Records. He was not a Damon Runyon character, not even remotely. Though his legacy would be felt at CBS Records well into the Yetnikoff era, his approach to the business would not.”

Art Blakey and Muscle Jazz

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Art Blakey was one of jazz's staunchest advocates throughout his long life in the music. The little speech he would deliver at the end of every set may have sounded mawkish to some, but there was no doubting the sincerity of his commitment to its sentiments. For Blakey, jazz really was the greatest art form ever developed in America, delivered from the Creator through the musician to the people, and he was always happy to repeat what seemed to him the self-evident facts of the matter, as in this extract from an interview with this writer in 1987.


‘Jazz is just music, that's all. This is what we like to do, this is what we like to play. Charlie Parker, and Dizzy, and Monk, guys like that, they took the music to a higher level of performance, to the highest level of performance on a musical instrument, and it's spiritual music, where the audience have a part to play as well, they're not excluded from the music. The music comes from the Creator to the musicians, and the musicians play to the audience, they don't play down to them. You have to present something to the people, you can't just do anything.’


What Blakey presented to the people for the best part of nearly fifty productive years in music was the quintessential hard bop band, The Jazz Messengers. He built the band on a solid foundation acquired in the decades when swing transmuted into bebop, and persevered with the music through some barren years before seeing a resurgent interest during the last years of his life in the form he did so much to define.”
- Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965


“Cette confidence est la clé de toute l'œuvre d'Art. La force de la communauté noire, c'est sa foi. Jouer de la musique constituera donc toujours pour Art l'occasion d'affirmer cette foi. Le batteur se forgera ainsi une force intérieure inébranlable grâce à une vie spirituelle riche. Et cette vision du monde, qui marie la musique et la religion habitera le musicien tout au long de sa vie. C'est pourquoi il se considérera toujours comme porteur d'un message divin -lui n'étant qu'un modeste intermédiaire, une simple « porte battante » entre le monde terrestre et l'univers céleste.”


“This confidence is the key to the whole work of Art. The strength of the black community is its faith. Playing music will therefore always be an opportunity for Art to affirm this faith. The drummer will forge a unshakable inner strength through a rich spiritual life. And this vision of the world, which combines music and religion, will inhabit the musician throughout his life. That is why he will always regard himself as the bearer of a divine message - a modest intermediary, a simple "swinging door" between the earthly world and the heavenly universe.”
- Georges Paczynski, Une Histoire de la Batterie de Jazz


The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York. …


“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along.


What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”
- Burt Korall, Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years:


“I hear an element of Art Blakey in almost every drummer. He remains a great influence to this day.”
- Rudy van Gelder, iconic recording engineer


Nobody has ever played Jazz drums like Art Blakey.


Power and passion were his bywords. He didn’t play the drums, he exploded them.  Every time he played a press roll, I thought the walls were going to cave in.


What he laid down on the drum kit sounded complicated, but it wasn’t. If you were a drummer, you didn’t study Art’s technique.  But, if you listened to him with your heart and mind open, you learned how to engage your emotions in the music and how to propel the swing that makes Jazz cook.


Art Blakey was all about RHYTHM.


Muscle Jazz would be an apt description for the style of Jazz that Art favored as he led his Jazz Messengers through a 35 year excursion of the World of Hard Bop.


Until his death in 1990, Art’s life revolved around two things: Jazz and his religious faith. He brought unremitting zeal and fervor to both.


“To go through life and miss this music - Jazz - would be like missing one of the greatest things about living.”


Art said this often and he led everyday of his musical life as a though it were a musical devotion.


Art Blakey, who was known to many as Abdullah Ibn Buhaina or simply as “Buhaina” or "Bu," remains synonymous with an open, deeply swinging, often searing form of modern jazz.


A small, wiry man, with enviable energy and a strong personality, he played and spoke authoritatively and with unusual freedom.


He was a compulsive storyteller and went on at great length about whatever concerned him, often embroidering the basic theme differently each time around — as he did in his playing.


Music was everything to Blakey. Like his friend and idol Kenny Clarke, he began to live only after he entered music. A native of Pittsburgh, sharing this derivation with Clarke, Billy Eckstine, Earl Hines, Roy Eldridge, Mary Lou Williams, and Dodo Marmarosa, among others, he served his musical apprenticeship in the industrial city, then moved into a wider, more demanding world.


Art was born in 1919. At thirteen, Blakey went on his own so he could help his foster mother. Employed in either the nearby coal mines or the fearsome local steel mills during the day, he played piano in clubs at night. Soon he turned to music full-time. The day jobs were dangerous and low-paying. The clubs were more pleasant: he loved being in the company of musicians, and the money was far better.


Blakey could play piano in a few keys, but he didn't know a quarter note from a baseball. He took his own band into the Ritz, a local club. His "ears" made it easy for him to deal with the music until a top act came in from New York with arrangements. Blakey tried every ruse possible while the band ran the charts down. But it was clear he couldn't do what had to be done.


Erroll Garner, a very young Pittsburgh pianist, was in the house. Even though he wasn't literate in a formal musical sense either, he had fantastic native ability. Immediately upon hearing the music, Garner played what was needed and took Blakey's spot. The club owner, a gangster, who carried extra authority in the form of an angry-looking automatic, said if Blakey wanted to stay, he would have to play drums. And that's how it all started. The year: 1934.


As Burt Korall explains in his seminal Drummin Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz - The Bebop Years: The young drummer never "trained." He made a virtue of being self-taught, often saying that study might inhibit natural responses to music, not an unusual attitude among instinctive players. Blakey confidently relied totally on his instincts. Intense and always curious, he learned the craft by listening to musicians in Pittsburgh and, later, was particularly attentive on the road and after he got to New York.


"Honey Boy" Minor, a local drummer whom many musicians from the area remember, provided valuable insight when it came to playing shows and reaching audiences.


The gifted Kenny Clarke was an inspiration to Blakey from his early days and from then on. Because they had many life and musical experiences in common and grew up in the same sort of economic and psychological circumstances, it wasn't entirely unexpected that their focus and interests as jazz musicians would be so similar.


The drummer who really got inside Blakey — and an entire generation of drummers — was Chick Webb. The centerpiece of his popular Harlem big band, he became a national figure with the help of his communicative singer Ella Fitzgerald before his death in 1939-


Blakey was close to Webb. He worked for him as an aide and valet, always watching, listening, paying close attention to what the drum king said and advised. Webb made it clear to the young drummer that concentration on developing his hands and conception was crucial. He advised Blakey to work on creating his own identity and strongly suggested he lighten up on show business tactics, even though Webb was a top-of-the-line showman.


Sid Catlett also had a major influence on what and how Blakey played. Ray Bauduc, the star of the Ben Pollack and Bob Crosby bands, caught his attention. He admired Bauduc's capacity to swing and what he did for a band. Duke Ellington's Sonny Greer was a factor in his development as well. The Ellington veteran had the sort of adaptability and discipline that Blakey sought to bring to his own playing.


“What Art Blakey did with all he learned from others is central to his story. How he shaped music and made it sing and swing grew out of his focus on accompaniment and support of a band and individual players. He didn't aspire to be a transcendental soloist, as many others did when he was coming along. What pleased him most, early and later on, was that musicians asked for him — in clubs, concerts, and on record dates — because of what he could do for them and the music. Though he was more ego-driven after becoming widely known, Blakey was essentially an unselfish player—one who even asked his colleagues, particularly if they were new to him, what and how they wanted him to play.”


Blakey caught on with the famed composer-arranger-bandleader Fletcher Henderson for the first time in 1939. The following year, he played with a small band headed by Mary Lou Williams, who, after leaving Pittsburgh, made a name as pianist-arranger with the Andy Kirk band. Williams brought Blakey to New York for the first time in 1940. The group played at Kelly's Stable.


Blakey was in and out of the Henderson band until shortly before he joined Billy Eckstine in 1944. During a Henderson tour of the South in the early 1940s, the drummer was involved in a racial incident in Albany, Georgia. A local policeman beat him brutally about the head with a truncheon. The concussion and other injuries stemming from this unprovoked attack made major surgery necessary. A steel plate was placed in Blakey's head.


The drummer left the Henderson band to spend a period of time in Boston with his own group of musicians, playing at the Tic Toe Club and the Ken Club. It was during this interval—late in the spring of 1944—that he was asked to join the Billy Eckstine band at the Plantation Club in St. Louis.

Eckstine and Dizzy Gillespie had the most to do with the concept of the band and who the players would be. Shadow Wilson was Eckstine's first choice for the drum chair. They had been in the Earl Hines band together. Wilson was hired; he made some of the first Eckstine band records for Deluxe. Then he was caught in the draft.


In the first week or two of June 1944 when the band played its initial dates, Eckstine had drummer trouble, big time. Gillespie suggested Blakey, feeling he could solve the band's problems. The drummer had certain basic capacities that appealed to the trumpeter-musical director. Though he hadn't heard him, Eckstine hired Blakey for three basic reasons. He'd been strongly recommended by Gillespie, someone Eckstine respected enormously. The drummer had spent a considerable amount of time with a big band and knew how to handle himself in that context. And Art Blakey was from Eckstine's hometown.


Once again, Blakey learned on the job. Not on intimate terms with the new music, he opened himself to what was happening around him. He became familiar with the twists and turns and initially puzzling sounds and rhythms of bebop. Blakey took risks and made some mistakes. Before long, the sturdy drummer hit his stride. He had the ability to hear and make adjustments, to meet the music head on, involving himself in its demands and possibilities.


Dizzy Gillespie, Blakey's mentor and teacher, brought him around; the often humorous trumpeter could be a stern taskmaster. Gillespie told the drummer what and when to play things and why. Often he would jump up and move over to the drums and sing phrases and rhythms to Blakey.
There is a well-documented story that makes the point best. When Blakey joined the Eckstine band and was just beginning to find his way he arbitrarily inserted a shuffle rhythm into one of the arrangements. Gillespie berated him in front of an audience, as the band continued to play and the dancers moved around the floor. He made it clear that Cozy Cole would have been hired had the band wanted that sort of rhythm.


The meticulous Gillespie did all he could to extract from the young drummer what he knew was there. He encouraged Blakey to play his own responses to the music. And that's what Blakey did. But it wasn't as easy as it seemed from the audience.


The drummer played his way through difficulties. As he noted numerous times in interviews, there was so much happening in the band. Everything moved by so rapidly. Blakey was in the middle of a musical thunderstorm. He had to be a quick study to survive. Fortunately he was a good listener and a fast learner.


The Eckstine band was like a school, filled with high-level, ambitious students, all trying to go in the same direction, all seeking to live up to what they heard around them. Working in the company of such luminaries as Gillespie and Parker, Dexter Gordon and Gene Ammons, Freddie Webster, Fats Navarro, and Miles Davis—for a little while—made for constant pressure and musical challenges.


The recordings do little to mirror the band's impact. The sound is dreadful; the recording studio must have been small and underwater. But the band's loose yet imperious swing and power and the creativity of the players gets through. The Armed Forces Radio broadcasts are a far superior source. You realize how wild, exciting, and inventive this exploratory ensemble could be. In person, it was a killer experience.


Blakey was making a modern statement in a big band—in the process revealing a raw, sometimes frightening talent for modern jazz. Burt Koral: “When I saw and heard him for the first time, I was bewildered, as were several others with training on drums. For those of us who were used to hearing the beat sharply enunciated with little or no embroidery—and we certainly were in the majority in the mid-i940s—Blakey could be infuriating. His vibrating left hand and heavy, active right foot made the beat a bit elusive.
Moreover, he could be terribly sloppy. He moved awkwardly, was lacking in grace. But what came out was often impressive—even if you didn't immediately know why.”


The music was different. Certainly the racial attitudes of the players in the Eckstine band had little in common with what was typical of their older predecessors on the black band scene. Blakey told Cadence editor Bob Rusch: "It was a young band and they weren't going for nothin.' Everybody ... was armed. . . . The war brought about changes."


Though the players were untamed and loved a good time, they were very serious about what they were doing and had to toe the line.


There also was humor and humanity in the hand. Jazz historian and New York radio personality Phil Schaap says: "The guys took pity on Blakey because he had a terrible, ragged-looking drum set. One day they called him into a room and torched his drums as a joke. But in the corner was a brand-new Slingerland kit that they had bought for him."


Blakey felt that the Eckstine band was one of the key experiences of a life filled with great music. The public made the band a going proposition for a while. Young ladies were drawn to Mr. B.'s cavernous baritone voice and film star handsomeness. But the music, beyond what Eckstine sang, could be a bit much for the general audience. The music press had little good to say. "Later journalists and critics described the band as legendary, marvelous," Eckstine told Burt Korall, adding: "While we were trying to make it, they gave us almost no help."


Not only that, the band didn't get the breaks that are so necessary for success. The records were so badly done. The band had few, if any, hotel or location dates with air time — nightly coast-to-coast broadcasts crucial to widely disseminating its message, giving the band an edge. Engagements at New York's Lincoln Hotel, then a base for the Basic band, were promised but never finalized. Places of that stature, which featured coast-to-coast remote broadcasts, could have given Eckstine what he needed. But the Eckstine band had no luck. It offered too much too soon for an audience used to the uniformity of Swing Era bands. Even after all this time, the Eckstine music remains memorable and exciting. It's easy to understand why the visionary bandleader was so bitter about how things turned out.


Like the others in the band, Blakey was a witness and contributor to history. The records document a central, contemporary jazz drum style taking form. Crucial to the feel of the band, Blakey played unforgiving, feelgood pulsation. Tapping out the time on his Chinese cymbal he really cut through to the marrow of the matter. Beyond a vivid, basic foundation, he also consistently offered telling evidence of the potency of his ideas.


Blakey made all the "hits"—the key ensemble accents—backing the band strongly. He shaped and sharpened the configuration of the arrangements. "Bombs"—snare/bass drum combinations—were potently placed. He generally enhanced the impact and interest of the music by deftly employing rhythmic counterpoint, double-timing, triplets, and rolls. A variety of colors enriched the thrusting, undeniable pulse.


Try Gerry Valentine's "Blowing the Blues Away," with "Mr. Dexter" Gordon and "Mr. Gene" Ammons riding a crest stirred up by Blakey. Also "I Stay in the Mood for You," a bluesy ballad featuring Eckstine up front singing, the fizz of boppy trumpet lines—certainly written by Gillespie—and a Dizzy solo.


Even on the slower things, showcasing Eckstine, Blakey keeps you awake and alert, waiting for his next combination of sounds to take you by surprise.
Following the dissolution of the Eckstine band, Blakey made sure the feeling and sound he had lived with for three years would not entirely disappear from his life—at least for a little while. A big band, the 17 Messengers, was formed. Blakey insisted big band experience was important to musicians, because it provided education on several levels and what he often described as "a family atmosphere."


Fats Navarro, Miles Davis, Kenny Dorham, and the Heath Brothers— Jimmy and Percy—were among those involved. Thelonious Monk wrote some material for the ensemble and showed up at rehearsals—generally at Smalls' Paradise in Harlem—to run the band through his compositions. The Messengers rehearsed a good deal but played only a few gigs.


Blakey always said that his association with Thelonious Monk was so very important for his development—as a man and as a musician. "He was responsible for me," the drummer often asserted. The two were very close
friends and saw each other another almost every day. They talked and played together. Monk's son remembers the two being inseparable.

Thelonious Monk, Jr.: “Art was always at the house. His face was the second male face that became familiar to me at the beginning of my life. He was making most of the records with Thelonious. I would see him everywhere— on record dates, on the handstand, at his house and mine.


A quintessential character, he had that rough voice and always was talking a lot of stuff—about this, that, and the other—talking loud, really sounding like the leader of the pack.


When I became a drummer. I learned how to swing from Art Blakey.”




Blakey plays two basic roles: time player and interpreter-commentator. He adds both reason and the unexpected to the music. Using all the elements of the set, snare, tom-toms, the bass drum, the rims, the drums' shells, the cymbals—all parts—the hi-hat cymbals and hi-hat stands, and even the sounds of the drumsticks themselves, he simultaneously defines Monk and himself.


More than almost any other musician, Monk calls on Blakey's capacity for subtlety, thoughtfulness, quiet creativity. You might think this would be a stretch for a generally "bashing" player like Blakey. But it's not.


The trio recordings Blakey made with Monk for Prestige in 1952. and 1954 show how well he could do what was needed. He plays responsively and responsibly. Blakey shows to best advantage on Work, a thirty-two-bar structure. He paints in pastels but remains an underlying rhythmic presence and source of light, provoking accentuation and left-hand commentary.


His solo is one of his best. A triplet figure establishes direction. Derived from a pattern he plays behind Monk before he breaks into the open, it is variated and cleverly developed. His comments emerge out of the music itself, not any form of preconception.


Over a chorus and a half, Blakey builds upon the triplet idea, complicating matters as he goes along, changing the solo's balance and density. The resulting multilayered commentary derives its personality from the rhythms acting on one another and being skillfully linked. Blakey's juggling and juxtaposition of rhythms and his admirable architectural sense make this forty-eight bars interesting to listen to again and again. His mastery of "independence"—the use of hands and feet, each with its own rhythm or rhythms—makes for new levels of interest. There is no speed or flash involved, just unfolding, naturally rendered music—from the drums.


The pairing of Monk with Blakey and his Jazz Messengers in the late 1950s—Johnny Griffin (tenor sax), Bill Hardman (trumpet), and Spanky DeBrest (bass)—Art Blakey's Jazz Messengers With Thelonious Monk (Atlantic), is also certainly worth attention. The two friends, more outgoing and competitive than usual, meet on a middle ground between the straight-from-the-hip swinging of the Messengers and the unorthodoxy of Monk. The balance is tipped by Monk's compositions, comprising five sixths of the album, and, of course, his piano playing.


The milieu motivates more diverse improvisations by Hardman. The speedy Griffin, who later played regularly with Monk, shows he's a very engaging, adaptable player. Rather than fighting it, as some do, Griffin follows where it leads, entering into the developmental process. Blakey clearly finds the situation stimulating. The drummer digs into his seemingly endless resources, using whatever keeps the music interesting and moving. Cross-stick rhythms, imaginative use of triplets, rumbling explosions, and his general intimacy with the mysteries of Monk, help define and redefine the music.


Blakey proved on many occasions that he could be surprisingly effective when performing quietly, in an almost modest manner. The trio recordings he made with the now legendary pianist-composer Herbie Nichols on Blue Note in 1955 are a case in point. In the listening lies the realization that Blakey's fire could burn at a low flame. He could infiltrate the music, remaining at moderate volume, with delightful, light-handed decoration adding impact.


Blakey allows Nichols's music to speak to him on its own terms. He reacts in much the same way he did to Monk and other artists who have a base in tradition but veer to the thoughtful and unusual. He seeks to I establish firm rhythmic grounding while tracking the music's form, its emotion, its implicit and explicit demands. He utilizes an open, reactive, instinctive approach. Blakey plays for Nichols and his music, showing little ego, staying away from the excessive and unnecessary.


I also suggest the recording the drummer made with Gil Evans in the late 1950s, New Bottle, Old Wine (World Pacific). An intensely personal orchestral album, featuring alto saxophonist Julian "Cannonball" Adderley and other leading jazzmen, it offers more evidence of Blakey's flexibility, discretion, and perception as a player.


No matter what the Evans arrangements of well-known jazz compositions — "King Porter Stomp,""Lester Leaps In,""Manteca," etc.—ask of him, Blakey responds in a manner that strengthens the material. He reads nothing and senses everything, as has always been the case. In essence, Blakey allows the punishment to fit the crime, never sacrificing his own voice, only lowering it a bit. He mixes well with the other instruments, sometimes almost disappearing in the blend.


When Blakey worked with the Duke Ellington (1952) and Lucky Millinder bands (1949) and others, he did the job that was called for. He became part of the sound and the setting. With Ellington, he played what he called "Ellington drums," laying down the rhythm, coloring and swinging, doing what Ellington wanted and needed. And that wasn't An Blakey playing bebop.


With Millinder, the drummer mixed up a batch of cooking, updated Harlem swing. The ebullient Harlem bandleader and showman, though not trained as a musician, knew what he wanted. And Blakey gave it to him. With Illinois Jacquet's swinging little band, with Charlie Parker at the Three Deuces on 52nd Street—both in the 1940s—and later as a member of Earl Hines's small band, very typically, Blakey did what was needed and expected in each situation.


Blakey learned early that each context has its own set of rules. Because he came up during the Depression, when you took every job to survive, he became a bit of a pragmatist. Never, however, would he make sacrifices purely for commercial reasons. His evolution as a musician was far too important to him.


Blakey went through a startling growth phase during the years separating the breakup of the Eckstine band and the formation of the Jazz Messengers as an ongoing group in 1955. A lot happened to him, not all of it related to music. He converted to Islam, as did many black musicians during that period. The reasons for this vary and in some cases are a matter of speculation. Some found the religion an escape from blackness, racism, and all that reminded of slavery. Others sought and found peace in the faith— another view of the world. French Jazz drumming historian Georges Paczynski suggests that Art’s conversion to Islam became a source for confidence in all aspects of his life.


Blakey lived in Africa for a period late in the 1940s. His goal was to study Islam and fully understand religions as they related to him. Many journalists insisted he made the trip to find out more about African music, drums, and rhythm. However, he consistently disputed this view. His investigatory stay in Africa had a philosophical focus rather than a musical one.


During this time and extending through the 1950s, Blakey involved himself with all kinds of music and musicians. As early as the latter years of the 19405, he began looking into African and Latin root sources, absorbing rhythms and techniques essential to the two intersecting musical streams. His interest in techniques of Latin and African derivation progressively became a factor in his playing.


According to Ray Barretto: “No other drummer came as close to the African and Latin root as Blakey. I did a couple of records with him, with Sabu on bongos ami timbales and some other people. Art talked a lot about his Latin and African influences. They became more and more a part of him. Every time he played "fours" or "eights," something African or "Latinesque" inevitably would flavor his comments. He was really empathetic with all that rhythm.”


This became unmistakable on record in 1948. Blakey was an integral part of saxophonist James Moody's recording for Blue Note, James Moody and His Bop Men, which also featured several outstanding gentlemen out of the Dizzy Gillespie big band, including the influential bongo/conga drummer Chano Pozo. Out of the sessions came a Latin/jazz fusion success, Tin Tin Deo.


Blakey had a flair for juggling a variety of musical elements and making them collectively work for him, His tom-tom playing, the way he used his elbow to change a drum's sound, and his timbale and cowbell techniques, as applied to jazz, all grew out of his burgeoning Afro-Latin interests.


Blakey's feeling for Afro-Latin music motivated him to make other cross-culture recordings, including Orgy in Rhythm, Vols. 1 and 2 (Blue Note). Informing, often exciting music, it featured accomplished Afro-Latin and jazz musicians pooling their concepts. In the diverse lineup were Art Blakey and Arthur Taylor, drums; Jo Jones and "Specs" Wright, drums and timpani; Sabu, bongos and timbales; "Potato" Valdez and Jose Valiente, congas; Ubaldo Nito, timbales; Evilio Quintero, concerro, maracas, and tree log; Herbie Mann, flute, Ray Bryant, piano; and Wendell Marshall, bass.


"Buhaina called me just as I was opening the door to my apartment, here in town. I'd just had a long, difficult flight from Europe," Arthur Taylor remembered. "Get yourself down here to my session, I need you!" Blakey insisted. "A.T." complained he was too fatigued for a record date. Blakey wouldn't give way.


Taylor took his tired body and his drums to Manhattan Towers, where the session was going on. "Everyone felt good; there was food, drink, and beautiful ladies around," Taylor said, then noted: "The music and the musicians got everyone going."


Cross-culture musical activities aside, something far more basic and significant was happening to Blakey's playing. Trace his recordings from 1947 into the 19505. You sense the change. Listen to The Thin Man, recorded in 1947 for Blue Note with an octet out of his big band. Compare that with what Blakey does on the MGM records, done in 1952. with leader-clarinetist Buddy DeFranco, pianist Kenny Drew, and the omnipresent bassist Curly Russell. Then audition the glorious live 1954 Blue Note sessions at Birdland, with Clifford Brown, Lou Donaldson, Horace Silver, and, once again, Curly Russell. A new, far more effective and exciting Blakey had emerged.


The newfound intensity and surge relate directly to one singular technique: closing the hi-hat briskly on "2" and "4" of every 4/4 measure. This may sound simplistic, but the effect was momentous. It stabilized, centered, and sharpened Blakey's time; enhanced, integrated, and brought a sense of style and finality to his work. It was the key that unlocked everything.


Buddy DeFranco: “We were together for two and a half years in the early 1950s—recorded many albums, traveled around the world. My little band was really hot. With Art back there, you couldn't coast. I never played harder—and it was so enjoyable


Art was in charge of the rhythm. No doubt about it. When I was tired before a job, I'd say something like ‘I don't think I can make it tonight.’  Art would say: ‘I'll make you play!’ And he did—every time.


It was a happy group, I was the only white guy. None of us thought much about it. In our world, a guy played or didn't play. That's all that was important. We traveled together, stayed together.”


The 1954 Birdland recordings on Blue Note provided the stylistic foundation for the rest of Art Blakey's career. His style had completely crystallized. His pulsation was undeniable, a natural force; the counter-rhythms he brought to the mix made what he played that much more affecting. There was a purity about what he did—and always motion. He was spontaneous, free, creating every minute.


That he was in the company of peers, all performing in an admirable manner, had a lot to do with making this "on-the-spot" session such an important musical document. The band never stops burning. The exhilarating Clifford Brown moves undaunted through material, fast, slow, in between, playing fantastic, well-phrased ideas that unfold in an unbroken stream. His technique, almost perfect; his sound, burnished. He's a gift to the senses.


Lou Donaldson, an underrated alto player in the Bird tradition, offers much to think about while you're tapping your foot. Horace Silver is crucial to the effect of this music, much of it his own. Certainly the rhythms that inform his piano playing and writing make it all the more soulful. On this and other records he serves as a catalytic agent, provoking swing and engaging intensity. Hard-hitting, unpretentious, communicative, Silver has little use for compositional elements or piano techniques that impede his message. A live-in pulse permeates his music and his playing, strongly affecting the shape, content, and level of excitement of his performances and those of his colleagues.


An original and tellingly economic amalgam of Parker, the blues, shuffling dance rhythms, and a taste of the black church for flavor, Silver is quite undeniable. Listen to his delightful "Quicksilver" on A Night at Birdland With the Art Blakey Quintet, Vol. 1 (Blue Note). It capsulizes what he does.
On this album, Curly Russell shows once again he can play "up" tempos and interesting changes. He ties in well with Blakey. But Silver and Blakey, in combination, determine the rhythmic disposition of the music. Blakey's natural time and fire raise the heat to an explosive level before the listener realizes how hot the fire has become.


Perhaps more than other recordings Blakey has made, the Birdland session documents his great strengths and technical failings. At almost every turn, he shows what an enviably well coordinated, buoyantly confident, rhythmically discerning player he is.


As a soloist, he's either breathtaking in the manner of his mentor Chick Webb, as on "Mayreh," or a victim of inconsistency. And it's always under the same circumstances. In the hope of achieving great speed he over-taxes his technical capacities and fails. You hear him stiffening up and becoming increasingly less precise. He was not a virtuoso.


The Jazz Messengers, the band that made Blakey an internationally admired jazz figure, came into being in 1954.


Horace Silver was playing at Minton's in Harlem. Blue Note's Alfred Lion wanted to get Silver in the studio to make follow-up recordings to his successful trio releases. It was decided to present the pianist-composer as a group leader. Two members of his Minton's quartet—tenor saxophonist Hank Mobley and bassist Doug Watkins—and trumpeter Kenny Dorham and Blakey made the sessions. The resulting album, Horace Silver and the jazz Messengers, was a great success.


It was timely and seemed to answer a need. The music and the performances had the directness and simplicity, the straight-ahead quality, that countered a suggestion of compositional pretension that was becoming a factor on the jazz scene in the mid-1950s.


This LP established what was to follow. The band played hard swinging music, mingled with what Silver described as a "gutbucket, barroom feeling." It reached into bebop, the blues, and sounds, rhythms, and feelings out of the black evangelical churches. The music had an earthy taste and more than a suggestion of black reality.


Blakey and Silver were into essences. The band emphasized directness and economy. The music was called "hard bop." I'm not sure the descriptive is appropriate, but it did give comfort to those who market records and are obsessively involved with categories.


After a while, the band as a co-op didn't work. Silver felt a band should bvea "leader," someone to make the decisions and give direction. He left the group to freelance; there was no bad feeling involved. A little later Silver put together his own band, which was pretty much in the same groove as the hand he had left behind. Blakey took the Jazz Messengers name and hired his own people. He remained the leader and central force of the Jazz Messengers until his death in 1990.


Silver and Blakey created a centrist position for jazz. Both had strong feelings about swing and communication and audience participation. Their band had a "sound." It was black music that brought forward emotion in no uncertain terms. Open and, at times, unrelenting, the music had more to it than was immediately apparent. It had substance, freedom, discipline, ind soul, a proud quality and a deeply historic center. The ballads, articularly treatments of the great American standards, were thoughtful and lyrical —
meditative qualities not generally associated with either Blakey or Silver.


Blakey wanted organization in his band, discipline beyond the looseness of the jam session. He determined his answer was "music," compositions lat would give the Messengers a foundation from which all would develop. Over the years, he retained "musical directors" and utilized writers within the band who could do this for him. He hired musicians—generally young, talented, and hungry who had the wherewithal to make the music meaningful, The only specification he made to the writers involved: that the music retain a base in swing.


The Jazz Messengers, either a quintet or sextet—two or three horns in the front line and three rhythms—became a school for aspiring players. Blakey was the master teacher.


The list of those who attended the school over three and half decades is imposing indeed. So many leading players: Johnny Griffin, Freddie Hubbard, Jackie McLean, Lee Morgan, Curtis Fuller, Bobby Timmons, Wayne Shorter, Wallace Roney, Benny Golson, Bobby Watson, Wilbur Ware, Hank Mobley, Billy Harper, Doug Watkins, Joanne Brackeen, Gary Bartz, Reggie Workman, Cedar Walton, Ira Sullivan, Terence Blanchard, Wynton and Branford Marsalis, Billy Pierce, Sam Dockery, Spanky DeBrest, Donald Harrison, James Williams. It goes on and on.


The style and goals of the Messengers remained consistent through the group's long history. Improvisation gave the band life and variety. Certain writers and musical directors altered or enhanced things without affecting its identity. Benny Golson contributed discipline and a great deal of melodic writing. Wayne Shorter developed rapidly and brought a new depth to the
band, as a writer and as a player. Lee Morgan, Freddie Hubbard, Cedar Walton, Bobby Watson, and the others gave what they had to the music.


Any way you turn it, the Messengers was Art Blakey's band. Any time you heard the group, no matter what edition, you knew who and what you were listening to. As drummer Cindy Blackman commented to Burt Korall: "Art was tribal. He'd get you one way or the other. Before you knew it, that volcanic pulse was into your feet, your whole body. His comping, his solos, his fantastic time did it for me and everyone else. He'd just draw you in!"


Blakey played until the last shot was fired. Deaf, ill, it didn't matter. There was only one thing he knew—and loved. A preacher for the jazz cause, a teacher of young people, an innovator and great player, he fulfilled his mission.


For all the marvelous things Blakey did for music and musicians, he, like many others of his generation, was deeply into drugs. One writer friend of mine said he "handled it" very well. Some say he eventually put it aside. Considering his stature among young musicians, how influential he became as a respected source and a role model, the Blakey involvement with drugs seems a paradox. But remember where he came from—his link with the turbulent, revolutionary 1940s and the plague it spawned. It is best to keep in mind his good works and how creatively he played.


Art Blakey brought new muscle and meaning to the modern drum style. He played with such concentration and acuity that the beat entered your system through pores opened by excitement. He seemed to be everywhere as the music told its story.


Sweeping through his large catalogue of recordings, as leader and as sideman—with equals like Miles Davis and Sonny Rollins—he seldom fails to satisfy. He very personally reacted to the music and made it better just because he was there and knew his job.


Proud, self-involved, but also kind, Blakey could be generous and supportive to a musician who deserved encouragement. This is an important part of his legacy.


[The editorial staff at JazzProfiles is indebted to the following source for information about Art: [1] the drummer world website, [2] Modern Drummer magazine, [3] Kenny Mathieson, Cookin’: Hard Bop and Soul Jazz, 1954-1965, [4] Burt Korall, Drummin’ Men: The Heartbeat of Jazz – The Bebop Years, [5] Georges Paczynski Une Historie De La Batterie De Jazz and Downbeat magazine, [6] JAZZ IMPROV Magazine Vol. 4 No. 3 with a feature article on Art Blakey and 2 CDs].


Tony Bennett: “A Quality That Let’s You In”

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Jazz has always drawn on popular music for material, while at the same time influencing it. George Gershwin, Harold Arlen, and many other composers for Broadway and Tin Pan Alley have reflected that influence, along with many of the singers of their songs, among them Lee Wiley and Frank Sinatra. None has been more deeply affected by jazz than Tony Bennett, whose reverence for Louis Armstrong is manifest even in his vibrato.

Tony doesn't consider himself a jazz artist. Many of the jazz musicians who have worked with him would disagree, and the way he phrases, the way he feels time, the passion, the intensity of his work all reflect his love of jazz and commitment to the music. …

Tony considers that his finishing school was the Count Basie band, with which he toured. He always works with jazz musicians, and he recorded two exceptional albums with the late Bill Evans.

The creative passion often manifests itself in more than one art, and a number of jazz musicians—Miles Davis, Mel Powell, George Wettling, John Heard — have been capable and, in some cases, excellent painters. Tony's oils sell for large sums.”
- Gene Lees

It is always cause for celebration when we feature more of Whitney Balliett’s beautifully crafted Jazz writings on these pages.

On this occasion, Whitney gives us a look at the early career of Tony Bennett who is still going strong over fifty years after this essay was published in Alec Wilder & His Friends, The Words and Sounds of … [Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1974].

The other artists whose “words and sounds” are the subject of Whitney’s pen in this book are Marian McPartland, Mabel Mercer, Bobby Hackett, Ruby Braff, [radio comedians] Bob and Ray, Blossom Dearie and Alec Wilder.

No one has ever written about Jazz more astutely and more eloquently than Mr. Balliett, nor has anyone written about it with more humility than Mr. Balliett who once said: “A critic is a bundle of biases held loosely together by a sense of taste, but intelligent readers soon discover how to allow for the windage of their own and a critic’s prejudices.”

© -  Whitney Balliett, copyright protected; all rights reserved.

“As a child of radio and the Victrola, of the microphone and the recording, I have been listening most of my life to American popular singers, and their number and variety are astonishing and almost endless. Their names, which form an American mythology, come easily to mind: Russ Columbo, Whispering Jack Smith, Gene Austin, Jeanette MacDonald, Nelson Eddy, Sophie Tucker, Arthur Tracy, Al Jolson, Kate Smith, Rudy Vallee, Bessie Smith, Fred Astaire, Louis Armstrong, Mildred Bailey, Red McKenzie, Ivie Anderson, Ethel Waters, Bing Crosby, Ella Fitzgerald, Billie Holiday, Tony Martin, Ethel Merman, Johnny Mercer, Jack Teagarden, Dick Haymes, Josh White, Joe Turner, Jimmy Rushing, Mabel Mercer, the Boswell Sisters, the Andrews Sisters, the Mills Brothers, the Ink Spots, the Golden Gate Quartette, Helen Humes, Mary Martin, Ray Nance, Paul Robeson, Maxine Sullivan, Lee Wiley, Bob Eberly, Ray Eberle, Helen O'Connell, Woody Guthrie, Gene Autry, Pete Seeger, Johnny Cash, Eddy Arnold, Noble Sissle, Richard Dyer-Bennet, Helen Ward, Morton Downey, Martha Tilton, Helen Forrest, Frank Sinatra, Georgia Gibbs, Nat King Cole,
Hoagy Carmichael, Anita O'Day, Kenny Baker, June Christy, Eddie Fisher, Frankie Laine, Vaughn Monroe, Frances Langford, Sylvia Syms, Johnny Mathis, Rosemary Clooney, Lead-belly, Judy Garland, Dinah Shore, Billy Eckstine, Eartha Kitt, Buddy Greco, Peggy Lee, Harry Belafonte, Anita Ellis, Bo Diddley, Elvis Presley, Lena Home, Doris Day, Pearl Bailey, Perry Como, Margaret Whiting, Mel Torme, Jo Stafford, Tony Bennett, Blossom Dearie, Teddi King, Kay Starr, Patti Page, Carmen McRae, Jackie Cain and Roy Krai, Teresa Brewer, Dean Martin, Sarah Vaughan, Ray Charles, Mahalia Jackson, Bobby Short, Helen Merrill, Stella Brooks, Dinah Washington, Chris Connor, Andy Williams, Steve Lawrence, Eydie Gorme, Dionne Warwick, James Brown, B. B. King, Aretha Franklin, Joan Baez, Barbra Streisand, Bob Dylan, Janis Joplin, Nina Simone, Glen Campbell, and Roberta Flack.

They have, in the past forty years, become ubiquitous — on the radio, on records, on jukeboxes, in the movies, on the stage, in nightclubs, on television, and in concert halls. Indeed, they have created, as a huge, ceaselessly moving and changing body of troubadours, the most pervasive and familiar sounds in American life. Many are famous, and some are among the most famous people of this century. Few adults in the western world are unaware of Bing Crosby and Frank Sinatra and Judy Garland and Nat King Cole and Tony Bennett and of the anthem status they have, respectively, given such songs as "White Christmas,""I'll Never Smile Again,""Over the Rainbow,""Nature Boy," and "I Left My Heart in San Francisco." One of the reasons for this unique, engulfing outpouring of song was the invention of the microphone, which, together with its handmaidens, radio and the recording, made two things possible: omnipresent singing, and a successful singing career without a voice.   (Since then, a couple of generations of "microphone" singers have come along. Take away their mikes, and by and large their voices vanish. Some notable examples: Blossom Dearie, Mel Torme, Mildred Bailey, and Chris Connor.)

Another was the appearance in the tens and twenties and thirties of the first great American songwriters, such as Jerome Kern, Irving Berlin, Richard Rodgers, Harold Arlen, Cole Porter, and George Gershwin; the lives of their countless marvelous songs were wholly dependent on being performed, and so a new and insatiable demand for more and better singers arose. Still another reason was our old habit of letting off excess emotional and romantic steam through singing.   (Never has there been more singing in this country than during the Depression and the Second World War.) Consider the minstrel singers, the cowboys, the slaves who first sang blues and spirituals, the young women who got off the latest Stephen Foster in the parlor of an evening, the hillbilly singers, the Irish and Neapolitan tenors, and the light classical singers such as John McCormack and Lawrence Tibbett. The first microphone singers were the crooners, who, with their patent-leather baritones and oily vibratos, evolved from the Basically European singing of the McCormacks and Tibbetts in the twenties. And out of the crooners came Bing Crosby, who, cutting the silver cord to Europe, almost by himself invented American popular singing.

American popular singers range from the consummate to the regrettable.   Ella Fitzgerald can do anything with her voice, while Vaughn Monroe was bathetic. Most of them, though, share certain characteristics. Their voices tend to be homemade and friendly — the kind you feel like squeezing or shaking hands with. Their intonation is often weak and their breathing uncertain. Their phrases sometimes dangle. Their voices, which rarely have much coloration, are a complex mixture of cheerful intent, emotion, electronics, and bravado. But the popular singer's lack of technical aplomb is his great virtue, for it allows him to sing Kern and Porter and Gershwin as no highly trained singer can. Ezio Pinza oversang Richard Rodgers, while Tony Bennett undersings him in such a way that Rodgers' superb melodies seem to come to life on their own. Pinza inflated Rodgers' songs, but Bennett illuminates and aerates them.

Bing Crosby was the first popular singer to learn this trick, and he did it in large part by listening to jazz musicians. He listened to Louis Armstrong and Duke Ellington (he recorded "St. Louis Blues" with Ellington in 1932), and he was tutored by Mildred Bailey when he was one of Paul Whiteman's Rhythm Boys. He hung out in Chicago with Bix Beiderbecke and Jimmy McPartland. He learned to sing legato, to phrase in a "lazy" fashion. He learned rubato and the ornamental, open-glottal notes — the "aaums" and "oowoos"— that made every phrase he sang sound as if it started with a vowel. The great instrumentalists like Beiderbecke "sing" on their horns, and through them he was taught to flow melodically. He learned to make his comfortable, front-porch baritone appear capacious and important. In turn, he taught a generation of popular singers.

The best of them was Frank Sinatra. Sinatra had also listened to Armstrong and Mildred Bailey, but he had, as well, grown up on Billie Holiday and Mabel Mercer. (Popular singers such as Billie Holiday are in effect jazz singers, and are more like instrumentalists than vocalists. They use their materials not as harmonic and melodic maps but as departure points for elaborate, hornlike improvisations.) Sinatra was a more serious singer than Crosby, whose offhandedness sometimes gave him an absentminded quality. At the outset of his career, Sinatra sang with Tommy Dorsey's band, and Dorsey, a lyrical player of the first order, taught him — in Dorsey's words — how to "drive a ballad." Sinatra's ballads, freed of Crosby's ornamentation and reverberative effects, took on an almost hymnlike dimension. He believed the lyrics he sang, and he delivered them with an intense, clean articulation. His voice was smaller and lighter than Crosby's, but his phrasing and immaculate sense of timing gave it a poise and stature Crosby's lacked.

Sinatra, in his turn, brought along another generation of popular singers, and the best of them is Tony Bennett. Indeed, Bennett has become the most widely admired American popular singer. Alec Wilder, who has known Bennett for twenty-five years, recently wrote, "The list of 'believers' isn't very long. But those who are on it are very special people. Among them, certainly, is Tony Bennett. But first I should say what I mean by a believer. He is one whose sights stay high, who makes as few concessions as he can, whose ideals will not permit him to follow false trails or fashions for notoriety's or security's sake, who takes chances, who seeks to convey, by whatever means, his affections and convictions, and who has faith in the power of beauty to survive, no matter how much squalor and ugliness seek to suppress it. I am close enough to him to know that his insistence on maintaining his musical convictions has been far from easy. His effervescent delight in bringing to his audiences the best songs, the best musicians, the best of his singing and showmanship is apparent to anyone who has the good sense to listen to him in person or on records."

Wilder went on to ponder Bennett's singing: "There is a quality about it that lets you in. Frank Sinatra's singing mesmerizes you. In fact, it gets so symbolic sometimes that you can't make the relationship with him as a man, even though you may know him. Bennett's professionalism doesn't block you off. It even suggests that maybe you'll see him later at the beer parlor." For all that, Bennett, a ceaseless experimenter, is an elusive singer. He can be a belter who reaches rocking fortissimos. He drives a ballad as intensely and intimately as Sinatra. He can be a lilting, glancing jazz singer. He can be a low-key, searching supper-club performer. (He has gone through visual changes as well. He for a while affected a short haircut and was wont to come onstage with his shirt collar open and his jacket slung carefully over one shoulder. Now, with the disappearance of most of his hair — an occupational hazard that has likewise afflicted Crosby and Sinatra — he wears a variety of stunningly accomplished transformations. He also keeps his jacket on, and is often seen onstage in a necktie.)

But Bennett's voice binds all his vocal selves together. It is pitched slightly higher than Sinatra's (it was once a tenor, but it has deepened over the years), and it has a rich, expanding quality that is immediately identifiable. It has a joyous, jubilant quality, a pleased, shouting-within quality. It has, in a modest way, something of the hallelujah strain of Mahalia Jackson….


… Bennett is at the back table of the ground floor of the Amalfi, on East Forty-eight `Street. He has been eating at the Amalfi since the days, twenty and more years ago, when it was a one-room place on West Forty-seventh. Phil Rizzuto, the Yankee sportscaster and former Yankee shortstop, is a couple of tables away, and Bennett greets him and sends a drink to his table. Bennett is to sing a couple of songs at ten o'clock at a benefit, and he has ordered a light supper of macaroni shells stuffed with ricotta and a bottle of Chianti classico. Bennett has the sort of face that is easily sculptured by light.

In broad daytime, he tends to look jagged and awkwardly composed: his generous Roman nose booms and his pale green eyes become slits. But the subdued lighting in the Amalfi makes him handsome and compact. His eyes become melancholy and shine darkly, the deep lines that run past his mouth are stoical, and his nose is regal. His voice, though, never changes. It is a singer's voice — soft, slightly hoarse, and always on the verge of sliding into melody. Rizzuto calls over and thanks Bennett for the drink, and Bennett nods and raises his wineglass in Rizzuto's direction. "I'm not that crazy about singing at big benefits," Bennett says, "but Ed Sullivan, who's running this one, has been good to me and I like him. I like concert halls, and what I do now is pick the best halls here and abroad, and give just one concert on Friday night and one on Saturday. I do that about thirty weekends a year. It's much nicer working concert halls than nightclubs. The audience holds on to every inch of intonation and inflection. But nightclubs teach performers like me. They teach you spontaneity. They teach you to keep your sense of humor. They teach you to keep your cool. All of which I needed not long ago when I gave a concert in Buffalo and decided to experiment by not using a microphone. The hall isn't that big and they could hear me, but I guess without the microphone I just didn't sound like me. So people started shouting. But I remembered what Ben Webster —the great, late Ben Webster —once told me: ‘If I had it to do all over again, I'd leave my anger offstage.’ And I did. I went backstage and got a mike, and everything was all right. In addition to my concerts, I do television specials, like the one Lena Home and I did — just the two of us, no one else — a while back. It got very nice notices, which proves you just don't need all those trappings. I also work in Vegas, and at Bill Harrah's places in Lake Tahoe and Reno, for six weeks a year. Vegas is great, with all the performers on one strip, like a kind of super-Fifty-second Street. They can afford anything, and they treat performers marvelously. But Bill Harrah is fabulous. I think he started out with bingo parlors in Reno thirty-five years ago, and now he owns these big places in Tahoe and Reno and has a huge collection of classic cars. He meets you at the airport with a Rolls-Royce and gives you the keys to the car and a beautiful home with a pool. At the end of the engagement, he throws a party for you in his own home. It's like some kind of fantastic vacation."

Bennett takes a forkful of shells and a sip of wine. "It's beautiful not to compromise in what you sing, and yet I've done business since I had my first record hit for Columbia, in nineteen fifty-one. I've always tried to do the cream of the popular repertoire and yet remain commercial. Hanging out with good songs is the secret. Songs like 'All the Things You Are' and 'East of the Sun' are just the opposite of singing down. And so are these lyrics, which Alec Wilder wrote and sent me a few days ago. He said if I liked them he'd set them to music. I think they're beautiful." Bennett pulled a sheet of onionskin letter paper out of his pocket. The lyrics read:

GIVE  ME THAT  WARM FEELING

Give me that warm feeling
That makes me believe again,
Give me that soft answer,
The kind you gave me way back when.
Give me some true kindness
That brightens the sky again.
Give me the best that's in you
And encouragement now and then.
Dust off those long-lost manners!
Bury ambition and guile!
Unfurl those lovely banners
Of virtue and laughter and style!
Give me that warm feeling,
Take off that impersonal glove.
Remember, remember, we're dealing
With that fair and that rare thing called love!

"I love singing too much to cheat the public. And I can't ever lose that spirit by listening to the money boys, the Broadway wise guys who used to tell me, If you don't sing such-and-such, you'll end up with a classy reputation and no bread in the bank.' But if I lost that spirit, my feeling for music would run right out the window. It's this obsolescence thing in America, where cars are made to break down and songs written to last two weeks. But good songs last forever, and I've come to learn that there's a whole group out there in the audience who's studying that with me. There's a greatness in an audience when it gets perfectly still. It becomes a beautiful tribal contact, a delicate, poetic thing. A great song does that. It also works two ways: the performer makes the song work, and the song inspires the performer.

"All kinds of things go through my head when I'm singing. I think of Joanna [his young daughter] a lot. I think of things from my past; I even see them. If I'm working in a beautiful place like Festival Hall, in London, I think of the great lighting, the great clusters of light, and they inspire me. If a song is truly believable, it becomes a self-hypnosis thing. And when that happens I automatically start thinking a line ahead, like when I serve at tennis and am already thinking of the next shot. My concentration becomes heavy, so that if I forget the words I can do what Harold Arlen told me: 'Just make up new words in the right spirit and don't let anybody know, and you'll be all right.'

"I've always liked the Billie Holiday tradition of allowing the musicians you're working with to take charge and to solo, and my arrangements are always written that way. Jazz musicians create great warmth and feeling. When they play well, they make you sing, too. I've worked with Bobby Hackett and Woody Herman and Duke Ellington and Stan Kenton and Count Basie. And I've worked with Harry Edison and Jimmy Rowles and Tommy Flanagan and Zoot Sims and John Bunch and Billy Exiner. You can't beat the perfection of Basie. He even talks the way he plays: one or two words take care of conversation for the month. Like when he saw the distance he'd have to go to reach his piano on this tiny, miserable stage we were working on somewhere out West.  'Man, that's a long walk,' he said."

Bennett laughs, and tells the waiter, a diminutive carry-over from the old Amalfi, that he doesn't have time for espresso but that he will see him soon. He waves to Rizzuto. …


Bennett is due at three o'clock at a studio on Christopher Street, where he will rehearse with the Ruby Braff-George Barnes Quartet. The quartet is to accompany him at Alice Tully Hall. Edith sets the table in the studio and brings in a chicken salad and a large glass of boysenberry juice. "Man, tennis has nothing on that kiteflying," Bennett says. "But all that running around will make me sing better this afternoon. Maybe if I'd known about it a long time ago, it would have gotten my career going a lot faster. The way it was, I didn't become any sort of authoritative singer until I was twenty-seven. For seven years before that, I scuffled. After the war, I used the GI Bill to study at the American Theater Wing, where I worked on bel canto with Peter D'Andrea. And I studied voice with Miriam Speir. It was at her place I first met Alec Wilder. I never passed any auditions, and I worked as an elevator man at the Park Sheraton, in an uncle's grocery store, as a runner for the AP, and as a singing waiter out in Astoria, where I was born.

I was born in August of nineteen twenty-six, as Anthony Dominick Benedetto. I'm using Benedetto again to sign my paintings. We lived in a little two-story house in Astoria which is still there. My father came over from Italy in nineteen twenty-two, but I don't know much about him, because he died when I was nine. He had a grocery store on Fifty-second Street and Sixth Avenue, where the CBS Building is now. I remember he was a beautiful man, who was much loved by his family and friends. He had an open, warm voice, full of love and melody, and he sang beautifully. He'd always get the family out on Sundays to sing and dance. My mother, whose maiden name was Surace, was born down on Mott and Hester Streets, and she lives out in River Edge, New Jersey.

After my father died, she went to work in the garment district and put my brother and sister and me through school. She has spirit and that great gift of common sense. Judy Garland went crazy over her when she met her. I went to P.S. Seven and Junior High School One-forty-one, out in Astoria, and then I went to the High School of Industrial Arts, which used to be near the Waldorf-Astoria. It was way ahead of its time. I studied music and painting, and they'd work it so that you didn't have to be there every day, so long as you did your work. You could go over to the park and sketch trees. I had a music teacher named Sonberg, and he'd bring a Victrola into class and play Art Tatum records. Imagine that! It was around then I decided to be a singer.

Of course, I'd been singing all my life and in the shadow of show business. I had an uncle in Astoria who was a hoofer in vaudeville and worked for the Shuberts. He'd tell me about Harry Lauder and James Barton and how they were humble people who had their feet on the ground. He'd tell me about Bill Robinson and how he had to follow him once and it almost killed him. He'd tell me how the acts in those days honed their shows all the way across the country and back, so that when they finally got to the Palace in New York they were sharp and ready. I had my first professional job when I was thirteen, at one of those Saturday-night get-togethers at a Democratic club in Astoria, and later I sang at little clubs by myself when they'd let me."

(Harry Celentano, a bellman at the Algonquin, who went to school with Bennett, remembers those days: "He used to sing 'God Bless America' and The Star-Spangled Banner' in assemblies, and when he was a little older he'd go into places out there like the Horseshoe Bar and the Queen of Hearts — this quiet, shy little kid — and get up and sing all by himself. Some of us would go with him, and he'd stand there and sing 'Cottage for Sale' like a soft Billy Eckstine. We didn't take him seriously, and we'd shout and throw peanuts at him, but he never batted an eye. But he was also into art then. He would play hooky and draw these huge, beautiful murals right on the street, with chalk. Mothers and children would stop and watch, and they were amazed. Then we'd come along and play football over the mural, and that was that.")


The concert at Alice Tully the next evening is billed as "An Evening with Rodgers and Hart," and it is a smooth and engaging success. The hall is sold out, and the audience is hip. Bennett sings the verses of most of the songs, and by the time he gets a note or two into the chorus there is the applause of recognition. He is in a dinner jacket, and his stage manner is startlingly old-fashioned: he uses a hand mike, and he whips the cord around as though it were a lariat; he half-dances, half-falls across the stage during rhythm numbers; he salutes the audience and points at it. He is clumsy and at the same time delightful. He sings twenty-one Rodgers and Hart tunes, and many are memorable. He sings a soft, husky "Blue Moon," and then comes a marvelous, muted Ruby Braff solo. "There's a Small Hotel" is even softer, and Braff and George Barnes react with pianissimo statements. The group, indeed, is impeccable. The solos are beautiful, and the dynamics all anticipate Bennett's.

During Braff’s solo in "The Most Beautiful Girl in the World," Bennett sits on a stool to the musicians' right, and near the end of "I Wish I Were in Love Again" he forgets his lyrics and soars over the wreckage with some good mumbo-jumbo and a fine crescendo. "Lover" is ingenious. Bennett sings it softly, at a medium tempo (it is usually done at top speed), then briefly takes the tempo up, and goes out sotto voce. He does "I Left My Heart in San Francisco" as an encore. The ovation is long and standing.

After a small backstage party, Bennett gets into his limousine and is driven home. He settles deep into a corner of the car. "It's what I used to dream of — a concert in a big hall like Alice Tully. But it hasn't all been smoothness since I started doing business. When I had my first record hits, in the early fifties, I suddenly found myself with an entourage, most of them takers. And I didn't like it. Maurice Chevalier was doing a one-man show here around then, and all he had was a piano and a hat, and that made me realize I was off on the wrong

foot. Then I've been through a divorce and done a little time on the psychiatrist's couch. But I don't think I need that. Most of the people who go to psychiatrists, their hearts and minds have never caught on to any one desire. I never had that problem. But I had a different one when Frank Sinatra came out in Life and said I was the greatest singer around. Sophie Tucker once told me, 'Make sure that helium doesn't hit your brain,' but it did, and for several years, to match up to his praise, I over-blew, I oversang. But I've found my groove now. I'm solidifying everything, and working toward my own company. You learn how to hang on to money after a while. I like to live well, but I'm not interested in yachts and fancy cars. There are things I'm searching for, but they won't take a day. I'd like to attain a good, keen intellect.

Alec Wilder set one of William Blake's poems to music for me, and I was reading Blake last night. Imagine being that talented and feeling so much at the same time! I'd like to make more movies. I played a press agent in The Oscar, and I loved the whole make-believe about it. I'd like my own regular TV show, which would be devoted to good music. None of that stuff with the musicians off camera and the shots full of dancers.

I like the funny things in this life that could only happen to me now. Once, when I was singing Kurt Weill's 'Lost in the Stars' in the Hollywood Bowl with Basie's band and Buddy Rich on drums, a shooting star went falling through the sky right over my head, and everyone was talking about it, and the next morning the phone rang and it was Ray Charles, who I'd never met, calling from New York. He said 'Hey, Tony, how'd you do that, man?' and hung up."”


Pat Martino: First Impressions

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© -  Steven A. Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“The guitar has its own mystique. The most ancient of instruments, it is the most pervasive in contemporary music. Those who mastered its mysteries have discovered unlimited application for the guitar’s acoustic and electric personalities.”
- Gary Giddins

“[Pat Martino]… is a guitarist who can rework simple material into sustained improvisations of elegant and accessible fire; even when he plays licks, they sound plausibly exciting.

Although seldom recognized as an influence, he has been a distinctive and resourceful figure in Jazz guitar for many years, and his fine technique and determination have inspired many players.”
- Richard Cook & Brian Morton, The Penguin Guide to Jazz on CD, 6th Ed.

“Pat Martino plays more than just notes. He plays his personality, his insights. Of Pat it can be honestly stated that his style is immediately recognizable.”
- Kent Hazen



There’s a modern adage which states: “You never get a second chance to make a first impression.”

When it came to the impression he made on Les Paul, a superb technical player and one of creators of the modern electric guitar sound, if would seem that Pat Martino didn’t need a second chance:

“Some years ago I was playing an engagement in Atlantic City and a young lad, accompanied by his parents, came backstage to meet me and request my autograph. When the lad said he was learning guitar I handed him mine and asked that he play something. Well, what came out of that guitar was unbelievable. "Learning," he said!!! The thought that entered my mind at the time was that perhaps I should take lessons from him ... his dexterity and cleanliness were amazing and his picking style was absolutely unique. He held his pick as one would hold a demitasse. Pinky extended, very polite.

The politeness disappeared when pick met string as what happened then was not timid but very definite. As is obvious, I was very impressed and the memory of this lad stuck with me. Although I lost track of him I figured that sooner or later I was bound to hear of him again. All that talent was not to be buried in obscurity.

Several years later I began hearing reports of a young guitarist playing in the New York area who was really scaring other musicians with his ability and musicianship. I tracked him down to a club in Harlem, and aside from the fact that the reports of his being a great guitarist were not exaggerated, I found that this was the same lad who had visited me in Atlantic City.

Now grown up, and with the extra years of practice and experience, he had grown into a musical giant. His name was Pat Martino. (As a side-note, a prominent guitarist told me recently that on his first visit to New York he had gone to the Harlem club where Pat was appearing. His thought at the time was that if Pat represented the type of competition he faced — and Pat not even well known — how was he to surpass or even equal that as well as enduring the other obstacles facing a proposed career in music.) …

Listen to … [his] music and be your own judge but it you happen to a guitarist don't be discouraged. Don't slash your wrists and pray for a decent burial; just practice a lot and perhaps someday someone (possibly Pat) will be writing liner notes for you.” [Les Paul, June, 1970, liner notes to Desperado, Prestige PR 7795; OJCCD 397]




Pat made a similar, first impression on Dan Morgenstern, a Jazz literary luminary who just recently retired as the Director of the Institute for jazz at Rutgers University:

“Pat Martino is a bad cat. ...

He is an original, his own man, and his abilities are extraordinary from both a strictly playing and general musical standpoint: great speed; marvelous articulation no matter how fast the fingers fly; an ear for harmony that feeds ideas to those fingers at a speed to match; a sense of form that imposes order on all that facility; a singing tone, and tremendous swing …. [Insert notes to Pat Martino Live, Muse 5026]

Or how about the impression Pat made on the distinguished Jazz author and critic, Gary Giddins.

“[The late Jazz trumpeter and bandleader] Red Rodney once described artistic progress like this: ‘You go along and then all of a sudden, bump, you rise to another plateau, and you work real hard and then, bump, you rise to another one.’

Pat Martino’s talent rises to a new plateau regularly and thanks to his prolific recording career, those bumps have been captured on an imposing series of discs. His records are not only consistent; they evolve one to the next. …

Perhaps the first thing one responds to in Pat’s music is commitment. He plays like he means it.

One aspect of his style consists of multi-noted patterns, plucked with tremendous facility (and time) over the harmonic contour. The notes are never throwaways; the patterns take on their own mesmerizing force, serving to advance the pieces as judiciously as the melodic variations of which Pat is a master. ….

Pat has very clearly honed his immense technique closely to what he most personally wants to express. His music is private, but richly communicative; it commands attention with its integrity – it does not call attention to itself with excessive volume or gimmicks.

Pat Martino doesn’t have time to jive, he’s a musician.” [Liner notes to Pat Martino/Consciousness Muse LP 5039; paragraphing modified]


And Mark Gardner, the accomplished Jazz author and journalist, was also duly impressed by his first experience with Pat when he wrote these comments and observations about he and his music in the liner notes to Pat Martino: Strings! [Prestige 7547]:

“Since Charlie Christian first plugged in his amplifier and revolutionized jazz guitar in the late 1930s each subsequent decade has witnessed the emergence of a handful of new string stylists. Barney Kessel, Jimmy Raney, Billy Bauer, Chuck Wayne and Oscar Moore were the dominant voices of the 'forties.

And in the 'fifties Tal Farlow really came into his own to be followed by Jim Hall, Kenny Burrell, Johnny Smith and Wes Montgomery. The 'sixties in turn have produced Grant Green, Bola Sete, Gabor Szabo, George Benson and now Pat Martino.

To bracket Martino with the foregoing list of great jazz plectrists warrants some weighty evidence in his favor. After all he is only twenty-three years old and the enclosed sides are the first real jazz sides to be released under his leadership. Which is precisely where the proof of my assertion lies— within this album.

It is quite plainly demonstrated on all five tracks that Pat Martino has already conceived a style of his own. To arrive at a personal mode of expression so young requires more than heavy chops and good taste, it calls for imagination, the sifting of one's emotional and intellectual resources into an abstract form with discipline. The guitarist has passed through this inner process of self-realization which is essential for every artist before he can begin to create works of lasting importance. Pat is not a 'natural talent' because no such thing exists. He has had to work and work hard to get where he is.

As alto saxophonist Sonny Criss remarked recently, 'A lot of people say that Bird was a born genius. That's wrong. He wasn't born with anything except the ability to breathe. Unless you really apply yourself nothing's ever going to happen.'

What has happened to Martino, a young man with an exciting future ahead, is the result of the sort of application Sonny spoke of.”

Here’s a video tribute to Pat on which he plays Benny Golson’s Jazz standard, Along Came Betty, accompanied by Eddie Green on electric piano, Tyrone brown on bass and Sherman Ferguson on drums. If you haven’t heard Pat play guitar before, perhaps your first impression will match that of Les Paul, Gary Giddins, Dan Morgenstern,  and Mark Gardner. If so, you’d be in very good company, indeed.

African Rhythms - The Autobiography of Randy Weston

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


“Piano music is as old as the piano which as an instrument, in variations of its present form, dates back some 250 years. Millions of ringers have rippled the keys since then. But not until Randy Weston put the enormous hands of his 6'7" frame to the piano did exactly what happens in his playing emerge from that ancient instrument. When Randy plays, a combination of strength and gentleness, virility and velvet emerges from the keys in an ebb and flow of sound seemingly as natural as the waves of the sea.”
— LANGSTON HUGHES
(from the original liner notes for Uhuru Afrika)

In the context of the modern Jazz movements that flourished in mid-20th century, it wasn’t unusual for American Jazz musicians to seek both work and/or relocation opportunities abroad especially as the music fell from favor with the larger commercial audience in the late 1960s and beyond.

Europe was the most common direction for US Jazz musicians to head as the music continued to be well-received there.

Interestingly, pianist-composer Randy Weston headed in a completely different direction - to Africa - specifically to West Africa, initially to Nigeria and ultimately to Morocco.

I had no idea that this was going to be the geographical trajectory of Randy’s career when I first heard him on New Faces at Newport [Metro Jazz E1005] which was recorded in performance at the Newport Jazz Festival on July 5, 1958. Soon thereafter I picked some of the six LPs that were previously issued by Orrin Keepnews on Riverside Records c. 1954-56.

Orrin had this to say about his early association with Randy in African Rhythms - The Autobiography of Randy Weston:

Orrin Keepnews, Randy Weston's first record producer -

Orrin Keepnews: “I first met Randy Weston in the summer of 1953, back when he was also the assistant chef at the Music Inn. I didn't go to the Music Inn at the time, but my partner at Riverside, Bill Grauer, did in the summer of 1953. That was actually the first year of Riverside Records, and we weren't even thinking of ourselves for anything except reissues of classic jazz. Bill went up to the Berkshires and he heard Randy and got very excited about him. As the years progressed I didn't have reason to have that much faith in the musical tastes of my partner, and we ended up agreeing that he would take care of business and I would take care of the music side. But when I did finally get to hear Randy he was damned impressive, so the suggestion was made that we sign him.

At the time we wanted to put ourselves into the current, contemporary jazz scene and not just be a reissue or classic operation. Here was this guy Randy who sounded damned interesting, looked damned interesting, seemed to be an easy human being to work with, and we felt that as a first artist what we desperately needed was a new artist, not someone who had recorded for Blue Note or some other label. With Randy it seemed sort of pre-ordained; we were trying to develop an attitude of being in the living scene, and here was this man who seemed just right to put us there. Even though I was still a couple of years away from having a relationship with Monk, clearly Randy was a disciple of Monk, somebody influenced by Monk. I wasn't looking at that as any kind of selling point because I didn't know anything about selling points, but it was another reason I was attracted to Randy.

Because we hardly had any money we wanted Randy to record a solo piano album and he said no, he didn't want to do a solo album, so we compromised on Sam Gill recording with him. As far as the tunes, the idea was, let's make it easy: we don't know what our audience is anyway, so let's take it easy and let's record standards rather than way-out, original bebop compositions. With the Cole Porter idea the thing was if you do an entire album of the same composer it appears like a very deliberate thing, it's a theme, it's not just that we threw together a bunch of tunes because we couldn't think of anything to do. Cole Porter was Randy's best solution to the one-composer rule that we threw at him.

As for Randy's playing, what attracted me were the same characteristics that I found initially so attractive in Thelonious. Randy at that point, even more so than later, was clearly influenced by Monk; you heard a lot of Monk in Randy's playing. What had initially been so attractive to me about Monk was the fact that I was able to hear in Monk's playing where he was coming from. I was able to hear the tra-

ditionalists, I was able to hear the stride piano, and so I heard a reflection of that in Randy's playing. I don't think I would have been able to relate musically to Bud Powell at that point, I wasn't equipped to hear that. Given my background as a fan of traditional jazz, I was better equipped to hear Monk or Randy than any number of other modern players.
By the time we recorded Randy's second record I had gotten a little bit more realistic, a little bit more knowledgeable about the world that I was trying to live in, and frankly a little bit more aware of the artists on the scene. And among other things I was aware of was that Randy was a very impressive composer. Both his tunes "Zulu" and "Pam's Waltz" debuted on that record, which was more about Randy's repertoire, which was the most sensible and proper way to deal with an artist in that way. If there is a good generalization in the record business it is to leave the artist alone as much as possible. When Randy said he could get Art Blakey to play on the date we didn't try to talk him out of that.

That second record was my first date at Van Gelder's studio, which made me feel like "Here I am, really in the professional jazz world." The album was done in one day, so it was customary and necessary that you built your payments on that part of the union provision regarding how much recorded time you're able to get out of a session. A session in those days was three hours of time in the studio or up to fifteen minutes on an LP side. This was for an album somewhere between thirty-five and forty minutes. The way that worked was fifteen minutes is a session and each additional five minutes before you get to another session is another one-third of another session. I gave Mr. Blakey a check for two times scale plus two overtimes. He looked at the check and said, "You don't have to be that chintzy, I mean I don't mind working for scale but the least you could do is give me three sessions for an album." I don't remember whether I gave him another check or whatever, but I immediately made an extra payment and Art and I had a good relationship for the rest of his life.

Union scale for a sideman in those days was $41.25, and the leader's was double that. If you wanted to be a real round-number guy you're making an album and the leader was going to get $250 and the side-men are going to get $125. So with very little capital investment—and we had very little capital investment—you could make a trio record and your musician costs are going to be $500. Plus your studio costs

were a good deal less than they are now, and you didn't have any remixing to do in those days because this was in the days before stereo, this was all straight to one-track. The economic factors were a very important consideration in creating this context for Randy.

I think what you'll see in the differences between the beginning and the end of my working relationship with Randy is ... he undergoes changes obviously, he goes from being a guy that's asked to do this for the first time on the basis of some noodling around he did on his summer job in the Berkshires, he's gone from there to being a professional musician, so he has grown. But to that extent I have grown to be a more helpful and understanding producer, which wasn't hard to do because I was starting from zero.

Then we did the live date at the Cafe Bohemia with Cecil Payne. Live recording at that point was very much in its infancy. It was actually a very simple procedure: You took a portable tape machine and you set yourself up in a club. You would stake out a table or two in the back of the club and you miked your musicians as closely as you could in a studio. That Bohemia date was actually a strange choice, because a very arrogant and unpleasant man ran that club. When you walked into the club there was a long bar in a quite narrow space, because there was not that much passageway from the bar back into the seating area. Miles played there a lot and the MJQ played there, and it was very much of a musician's hangout. It would be maybe two or three deep at the bar on a Saturday night, and I can remember this feisty little guy coming through, knocking us out of the way to clear a path for the sit-down customers to come in. I don't think anybody thought of it particularly as a musician-friendly club. There are lots of examples of the fact that just because you hire musicians does not necessarily mean that you have their best interests at heart. This guy wasn't quite Morris Levy but he was not by any means a musician-friendly person. So we made those three records with Randy and after that it was a mutual parting of the ways. We really weren't moving him forward career-wise, and we agreed that he might be better off trying to find somebody else to advance his career.

I've been profoundly disappointed in the jazz public, and in jazz writers, at the reaction to Randy Weston. I consider this man now, as I always have, to be a major talent. You're going to have a hard time finding somebody who doesn't like him as a person. He has this great combination of being basically a shy man, but still with an outgoing personality. He's all of those kinds of factors that you think would make somebody be more inclined to want to work for him rather than against him. And he sure as hell can play and has always been a most interesting writer. I've always been concerned at what has been an inadequate response to this man. He's led a very interesting life and had a very interesting career which to a very large extent is of his own making; he has gone out there and done all these unusual and unprecedented things. Randy has never stopped being enthusiastic, inventive, and creative.

I guess this lack of recognition of true artistry happens in a business like ours where people who aren't particularly qualified in the first place make an awful lot of decisions. I do not have a high regard for the status of jazz criticism, especially to the extent that a considerable number of listeners who may think of themselves as intelligent and independent allow themselves to be shaped by a lot of these unqualified experts. Randy never was a critic's darling, he is not an easy musician to appreciate because he's playing difficult music, he's playing music with depth to it, with certain idiosyncrasies. It would have helped if Randy had gotten serious critical attention. But at least we're fishing in the right part of the lake.”

The book is filled with wonderful stories, anecdotes and commentaries about Randy’s long career which spanned seven decades as told [“composed”] by Randy and artfully written [“arranged”] by Willard Jenkins.

Willard is a wonderful narrative writer, a good storyteller who skills bring Randy’s wonderfully unique story to life. I mean, how many American Jazz musicians do you know who actually went back to Africa to live and work?

Throughout his life, in both his work and in his lifestyle, Randy never forgot the following admonition from his father:

Son, never forget what you are. You're an African. Though you were born here in the United States of America, you are an African. An African born in America, do you understand? Your motherland, the home of your ancestors, is Africa. Wherever you travel all over this planet, you must always come back to her. Africa is the past, the present and the future. Africa is the four cardinal points: the North, the South, where the sun rises and where it sets. —FRANK EDWARD WESTON, as conveyed to his son Randy Weston from childhood

These sentiments from his Dad are certainly reflected in one of Randy’s earliest and most important extended compositions - Uhuru Africa - which is also the name of a Roulette LP Uhuru Africa [SR 65001] which can also be found as part of the 3 CD Mosaic Select set Randy Weston [#4].

Randy describes what it took to bring off this recording in these excerpts from his autobiography:

“For the text I was very anxious to use an African language in Uhuru Afrika. I was still so upset by how African language was presented in the media. I could also vividly recall the ridiculous images of those awful Tarzan movies I had been so into as a boy, and how they depicted the Africans and their language. Tarzan had these blacks carrying stuff on their heads, saying,
"Bwana this, Bwana that, Bwana the other" ... So I made up my mind that Uhuru Afrika had to use an authentic African language, not some gibberish or nonsense from television or the movies. I wanted to present this work of music where people would hear the beauty and depth of an African language, and at the same time show the power of the drum.” …

I knew it would be difficult selecting one common language for the text; after all, it was my understanding at the time that Africa was a land of over nine hundred different languages and countless dialects. So I met with several African ambassadors and other Africans who worked at the UN. When I asked them which language would best represent the continent, they said Kiswahili.”

The Music

I saw Uhuru Afrika as the most important music I had ever written. The prelude was Langston's freedom poem. I wrote the suite in four movements: the first movement was "Uhuru Kwanza," the theme of which was that African people have a right to determine their own destiny. The second movement, the vocal piece that Brock Peters and Martha Flowers sang, was "African Lady," which was written as a tribute to all the great black women who had impacted my life, beginning with my mother; all those sisters toiling away to support their family, putting food on the table, doing menial jobs and putting up with all kinds of indignities. The third movement was called "Bantu," which signified all of us coming together in unity. The last movement was titled "Kucheza Blues," for the glorious moment when Africa would gain its full independence and black people all over the world would have a tremendous global party to celebrate.

The Players

Since I wanted this to be a really important suite, I knew it had to be played by a thoroughly unique orchestra. Melba certainly had a lot more big-band experience than I did, she knew all the great big-band players. After all those years she spent playing in the Gerald Wilson, Count Basie, Dizzy Gillespie, and Quincy Jones bands—not to mention writing for Duke Ellington and numerous large ensemble recordings— I totally relied on her judgment when it came time to hire the musicians for Uhuru, and from that point forward whenever we had a big-band date. She always wanted several key players to be the backbone of the band, people she knew from her big-band days, people who were versatile and who would lend dexterity and distinctive voices to their particular section. So we started out with Budd Johnson on saxophones and Quentin "Butter" Jackson on trombone, they were very close friends of Melba. These were musicians who could read any music inside out, who could interpret anything; they were our foundation, the keys to develop this big-band sound I was hearing in my head.

We picked Charlie Persip to play the trap drums because Charlie was in Dizzy's band with Melba. Most of the other musicians I picked. She wanted to have a certain passage for double flutes, to capture the sound of the birds on "African Lady." So I got Les Spann to play the guitar and double on flute to go along with Jerome Richardson, another very versatile musician who could play all the reeds and flutes. I also wanted musicians that were in tune with our history; musicians who were aware, musicians who took pride in being black, pride in being African Americans. It was a combination of all those things and that's why we wound up with such a powerful lineup. We hired Gigi Gryce, Yusef Lateef, Cecil Payne, Sahib Shihab, Jerome Richardson, and Budd Johnson on reeds and flutes; Julius Watkins on French horn; Clark Terry, Benny Bailey, Richard "Notes" Williams, and Freddie Hubbard on trumpet and flugelhorn; Quentin "Butter" Jackson, Slide Hampton, and Jimmy Cleveland on trombone; and Kenny Burrell on guitar. That was one of the greatest orchestras you could put together, and we haven't even gotten to the rhythm section.

Africa is civilization's heartbeat, so the rhythm section had to be very special. We wanted to have a rhythm section that showed how all drums came from the original drum, the African drum. So we got Babatunde Olatunji from Nigeria to coordinate the rhythm section and play African drum and percussion. I got Candido and Armando Peraza from Cuba to express the African drum via Cuba. Max Roach played marimba, Charlie Persip played jazz drums—G. T. Hogan subbed for Persip on "African Lady" when he couldn't make the second day of recording—and we had two basses, George Duvivier and Ron Carter. To sing Langston Hughes's lyrics for "African Lady" I wanted two singers who knew jazz but were not necessarily known as jazz singers. So I got Martha Flowers, a soprano who was largely from the European classical tradition, and for baritone Brock Peters, who was primarily known for playing Broadway shows and singing folk music. Putting all these forces together was an amazing experience.

Label Quest

Even though we had all these resources together, I still wasn't sure who would record Uhuru Afrika. At this particular time in my recording career I was signed to United Artists Records, where I had a three-year contract. This was the same company that had previously recorded my Little Niles record, in 1958. The reviews for that record were very favorable and I obviously wanted to record Uhuru Afrika for United Artists, due to the success of Little Niles. But they hesitated at recording such a big project. They said I wasn't that well-known at the time and perhaps I should do something more popular; the implication, I thought, was that after making this more "popular" record, then I could record Uhuru.

They suggested I make a record based on the music from a Broadway show. They said, "Look, Randy, if you do a recording based on a popular Broadway show, then we'll let you do Uhuru Afrika . . ." so I took the bait. I started checking around, reading the Broadway reviews and inquiring about the various Broadway shows playing at that time. For some reason, I'm still not sure why, I came up with a show called Destry Rides Again. Destry is all cowboy music by Harold Rome, but I chose it anyway. I asked Melba to write the arrangements and I chose to use just trombones and a rhythm section on the date. I got Benny Green, Slide Hampton, Melba, and Frank Rehak to play the trombones; Peck Morrison played bass and Willie Rodriguez played the conga drums. We did our best on that and I always laugh when I think about that date, because it was also the only time I recorded with Elvin Jones on drums.

I loved Elvin's playing; he used to come to the Five Spot and sit in with me. You know how powerful Elvin is, I could never hear myself when he played, but we loved each other and that Destry recording gave me the opportunity to have Elvin play the drums. Frankly we weren't that inspired recording Destry; I did it purely hoping for the opportunity to record Uhuru Afrika for United Artists. But finally we soon realized that United Artists just wasn't ready to record Freedom Africa.

The project finally found a record label, largely because of Sarah Vaughan's husband and manager at the time, a guy named C. B. Atkins. He was a heavy cat from Chicago and he later became one of Muhammad Ali's managers. I went to see him because I knew he liked my music, he had been to dubs to hear my trio. In those days we used to work a lot opposite Miles Davis, Dizzy Gillespie . , . the real heavyweights. So I met with Atkins and said, "Listen, I have this project I really want to record and it's gonna require a big band. It's in four movements and it's going to be called Uhuru Afrika, which is Kiswahili for 'Freedom Africa.'" I explained the various movements to Atkins and he was very interested. He said, "Okay, I'm going to talk to some people at Roulette Records and maybe you can record it for them." Atkins went to Roulette Records and he talked Morris Levy into it, which was no small feat.


In Process

Working with Melba is always an adventure, and this project was no exception. She was very particular, very orderly, but she was also so creative that sometimes she would decide to make last-minute changes in the arrangements to get things just right. Sometimes she would write something and it seemed like the arrangement was all set; only to have her say, "No, I think I want to change this."

Needless to say, it was quite hectic and frantic up until the moment we started to record. Even with all of Melba's creative powers, Jerome Richardson and several of the guys were still copying parts the day of the first recording session. I was living in that apartment that those two sisters from Langston's office had leased to me on 13th Street, and up until time to go to the recording session guys were writing out parts. Melba had people copying parts on the ceiling, on the walls, on the floor; it was a comical scene. The poor copyist was on his feet so long that his legs were completely swollen by morning; he had worked so hard with no rest. What a scene: we had to actually carry this guy down the stairs in a chair to take him to the studio!

The Session

We recorded Uhuru Afrika on two successive days at Bell Sound in midtown Manhattan. With all of those musicians, and all of those different personalities, what was ironic was that both recording dates were scheduled for 9:00 a.m. and everybody was on time. Nobody was late, two days in a row, which was incredible. When the session started it was actually the first time the musicians had heard the poem at the introduction. When the guys heard the Langston Hughes poem it was quite dramatic; you could see it on their faces and hear it in their expressions. They said, "Oh, man . . .," because that was during the period when Africa was either a place to be ashamed of or a place that people had tremendous fear of; you were not supposed to identify with Africa.

Africa, where the great Congo flows!
Africa, where the whole jungle knows
A new dawning breaks, Africa!
A young nation awakes, Africa!
The freedom wind blows!
Out of yesterday's night Uhuru—Freedom! Uhuru! Freedom.
-LANGSTON HUGHES, Uhuru Afrika invocation

When the musicians heard Langston's freedom poem, the purpose of which is to bring us together, to say the freedom of Africa is a freedom for us, they instantly knew what feeling we were after; that poem really set the mood. The independence of some African countries is inspiration for us to search for our freedom and our identity. That recording session was an incredible experience, and the spirits of our ancestors were with us in that studio, everybody got into the spirit of Africa. At one point we needed a certain kind of percussion sound and some guys got the inspiration to use Coca-Cola bottles to make sounds. Everybody contributed their ideas, because when I record I like to get the ideas of some of the musicians. Sometimes they can hear things that I can't hear. I never like to completely finish a piece until I get to the studio, because we may be doing something and someone might say, "Hey, why don't you do it this way; let's try it this way." I always like to keep it open. This session was wonderful because there was the artistic control, there were the charts, there was the music, but at the same time there was a tremendous sense of freedom.

The Players Remember

: Yusef Lateef, saxophone: I think as a composer Randy's music represents a progressive refinement and development of African American music. What was going on in that studio was discovery and invention in the aesthetics of music, because there were decades of knowledge in that studio; Charlie Persip and all those drummers! It was an amalgamation of abilities that were exchanging ideas and formulating the outcome of that music. A kind of romance of experience happened at that session.

: Ron Carter, bass: Uhuru Afrika was my first awareness that when you go to a record date you don't have any instructions; you should just be prepared for whatever is on the music stand. It was a stunning surprise to be in the midst of all those guys on the record ... To walk in the studio and see Clark Terry, Richard Williams, Charlie Persip . . . and to have George Duvivier as a bass partner was quite an amazing environment to be in. When I got to the studio the first thing I noted was the pitch

of all those drums: you've got congas and bongos, African drums ... My first concern was whether I could find some notes to play that were out of their range, even though I don't know when they're going to play them necessarily, when they're going to hit those specific drums. I prepared my technique to be out of the range of those drum notes because it takes a hell of a mixing job to get the bass notes out of that mud.

By the same token I was respecting and honoring George Duvivier's presence, kinda hanging around to see what his approach is going to be when those drummers start banging around. Is it going to be like mine? Is it going to be different from mine in terms of where to play our parts, and when the drums lay out how do we handle the ranges now that we have the space? ... So it was a real lesson in section bass playing, not having played with another bass player in a jazz ensemble before. George asked me what I thought and I said, "George, they ought to record the drums the day after tomorrow! ... In the meantime I guess our best bet is to try to slide some notes in here where the drums aren't playing so loud so that the bass notes, which are the roots of all those chords, make the top part sound like it belongs there." George said, "Well, we can do that." I said, "Well, let's give it a shot." I think he was kind of pleased at my comfort at talking with him and that I had some suggestions that clearly might work. I was basically a stranger to George, I was just a new guy in town at the time . . . and George Duvivier is George Duvivier! But when he asked for my advice, I thought that since Randy had hired me for this date, George knew Randy well enough to trust that whoever he hired would be capable of getting the job done; so I felt good about that.

Clark Terry, trumpet: Melba was always so laid back and relaxed, but she was just a completely thorough musician. We had worked together with Quincy Jones's band on Free and Easy.

Martha Flowers, voice: Opera was my field, but when Randy asked me to do this recording I was delighted. The key "African Lady" was written in, and how it lay as far as my voice was concerned ... it was not written in a high key where my voice would sound very operatic. It was written in a sort of medium key where I thought my voice had a kind of mellow quality that would lend itself to any kind of jazz music, or music that was not considered classical music. I just felt vocally right at home because it seemed like it was just written for me. Randy told me he had written this wonderful composition and he thought my voice would be very suitable to sing it.
Uhuru Afrika had great significance for me. When I heard about this music and saw the score, and then going up to record it, I felt a great sense of dedication to this work, that this composition would really have a great impact on the music world. Politically it made a great musical statement, and this really fired me up. I was quite anxious to sing "African Lady" and was truly excited when I saw all the other musicians who were involved in it; clearly this was a top-quality engagement. I had great respect for Langston Hughes's lyrics, they were just perfect for what Randy had written. The experience was just electrifying.

Charlie Persip, drums: I don't remember getting any kind of preparation for the date. I remember Randy talking about what he was going to do, but I basically had no idea until we got to the studio. I really made the majority of my money during that time doing just that; I was called to do record dates and I had no idea what was going to happen until I got to the date. I think that's why Randy asked me to do the date, because he knew that I was very proficient in that type of situation, plus he liked the way I played with large orchestra. I had the score, so I was reading the music accompanying the orchestra; but as far as blending with the other drummers, I listened to the other drummers and I played with them. I didn't take over, I just listened to the drummers and tried to blend with them and at the same time play my part, which was accompanying the ensemble.

This was like the who's who of African and Caribbean drummers on this date, so I was trying to blend with these people. I was glad to be a part of it. When I heard the whole thing and I heard the narration, I began to get kind of inwardly emotional about it, because we were just starting to become aware of our African heritage and starting to really get our pride together as black people. Once I did the album, when I heard the music it kind of got to me, it really helped to get me more involved emotionally with my African heritage. Doing that music really helped me to get deeper into my pride as a black man with African ancestry.”

At this junction, the book turns primarily to MAKING A HOME IN AFRICA [Chapter 10], BUILDING A HOME IN TANGIER [MOROCCO]: THE AFRICAN RHYTHMS CLUB [Chapter 12] and to more details about the evolution and recording of more of Randy’s extended compositions such as Blue Moses [Chapter 13], Spirits of Our Ancestors and Khepera [Chapter 15].

Reflective of his father’s constant reminders of his African heritage, Randy’s diaspora to Africa is reflected in the following opening paragraph to Chapter 10:

“During the mid-late 1960s, when I began to seriously contemplate making a life in Africa, considering my two earlier trips there, Nigeria was naturally my first choice. It was an English-speaking country, so I figured there wouldn't be a communication barrier; most of the educated people in Nigeria spoke English, and I had gotten to know many people, from the governor general to various Nigerians in television and radio, sculptors, painters, and assorted other artists. Nigeria just seemed the most obvious African country for me to migrate to.

There were other possibilities on the continent as well. At that time, largely because of the successful independence movement there in '59 and the charisma of Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana was then the most celebrated African nation in New York. I had many Ghanaian friends at the time. …

One month after returning from Morocco after our 1964 tour stop there, I got a letter from the usis in Morocco saying the Moroccan people are completely crazy about your music and they want you to come back. …

One thing led to another, ;md by 1967 I was finally ready to make the move. At the time 1 was living in the apartment on 13th Street in Manhattan that I had gotten from Ramona Low and Adele Glasgow, Langston Hughes's friends. In preparation for leaving I was able to transfer the lease on that apartment to Booker Ervin and his family. So everything in that apartment, my piano and all the furniture, I left with Booker Ervin and his family. The only things I took with me to Morocco besides my clothes were my papers, books, and music. And because I wanted them to experience life in Africa firsthand 1 took my children, Pamela and Niles, to live with me there. And this was despite the fact that I didn't really know anything about Moroccan culture. The vibrations and the spirits were just right. Morocco was calling. When I arrived in Morocco in '67 I found there was such a great appreciation there for the music that I became involved with their culture almost immediately. They have such a diversity of music, from the Atlas Mountains to the Sahara Desert, so I was always looking for their traditions. There's a tendency on the part of some folks to feel that Western culture, or the Americanization of things, is supreme. That might mean that a McDonald's becomes more important than the traditional cuisine, like the traditional Moroccan tagine (or stew) for example. Because the West has dominated the world they've also created a kind of musical colonialism in a way; you'll find American pop music almost everywhere you go. The Moroccans were very protective of their musical traditions, and that really appealed to me, drew me deeper into their culture.”

In the concluding chapter which Randy subtitles: RANDY WESTON … PHILOSOPHICALLY YOURS, he offers the following thoughts which can serve as a summary statement of the major themes in his life and music:

“Africa, the cradle of civilization, is my ancestral home, the home of my spirit and soul. Africa has always been part of me, Africa has always been deep in my psyche from childhood, and I knew I'd have to go there sooner or later. In 19611 finally did, and again in 1963—both times to Nigeria. Then my sextet and I toured those fourteen countries in West and North Africa in 1967, and later that year I went back to stay. So many memories . . .

For me the most compelling aspect of African culture —North, South, East, and West—is its music, magnificent in its power and diversity, with the "true drums"—African Rhythms—always at the heart. The music of no other civilization can rival that of Africa in the complexity and subtlety of its rhythms. All modern music, no matter what it's called—jazz, gospel, Latin, rock, bossa nova, calypso, samba, soul, the blues, reggae, even the music of the avant-garde—is in debt to African Rhythms.

The rhythms came from all over Africa. I knew the rhythms were African, but I didn't realize how universally African they were until the 1967 tour. Africans in nearly every country we visited claimed the rhythms as their own, as typical of Ghana or Gabon or Upper Volta or Morocco; each African country has its very own traditions.

Most of my compositions are about African people or involve African themes. Every concert and even in my day-to-day conversation I'm speaking about African people. I am an Africanist in every sense of the word because of my immersion in African Rhythms, the realization of which came directly from my mother and father and goes all the way back to ancient African civilizations.

I have visited many countries, performed for thousands and thousands of people, and I am blessed to have the power of music—given to me by God—to spread our history, our creativity, and our music. And I've been very fortunate that my audiences have received that sincerity and spirit so warmly.”

If as Richard Sudhalter, the late cornettist, author and critic asserts - “Jazz musicians are their music. Absent that, they're just people making a living, eating meals, paying bills — no different from cops or politicos. But that's just the point: the music can't be subtracted: it's the defining essence, which sets musicians apart, makes them special and ultimately a little mysterious.” - then Randy Weston life was his music and his music became his life.

The book contains a well-annotated discography, a full index and a complete list of those interviewed as sources for the book.

Lee Morgan & Conte Candoli - 1957 - Double or Nothin' - Reggie Of Chester

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Drummer Stan Levey's "other" career began early as he took this and other photographs in 1957 at the Liberty Records studios in Hollywood, CA at which these recordings were made. Conte Candoli and Lee Morgan only play together on two cuts of the 9 tracks that make up this album. The recording features various combos made up of the then Lighthouse All-Stars - Bob Cooper, Conte, Frank Rosolino, Dick Shreve and Stan along with Lee, Benny Golson, Wynton Kelly and Charlie Persip with bassists Red Mitchel and/or Wilfred Middlebrooks depping for Howard Rumsey, who produced the record, on all 9 tracks. I'm guessing that the occasion was prompted by Dizzy's Gillespie's big band being on the Left Coast in February, 1957.







Bud Shank - Burning Brighter

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


One of the more enjoyable dividends of writing this blog is searching through the Jazz literature for content, especially material that provides a focus on some of my Jazz heroes at the outset of their careers.


It’s fun looking back to a time when the World was young and when it all began with energy and enthusiasm.


Lately, my journey of journalistic discovery has taken me to some mid-20th century issues of Metronome. The magazine began publishing in 1881 and its initial focal point was marching music [and musicians]. It later progressed to the dance bands of the Swing Era, and the post World War II development of small combo Jazz before closing its doors in 1961.


Bud Shank [1926-2009] was one of my enduring Jazz heroes and because we were both resident on the Left Coast, I had the opportunity to hear him perform in person on a number of occasions and it a variety of settings.


But the musical setting described in the following article by Fran Kelley in the February, 1956 edition of Metronome was before my time.


“So with his mustache gone and a new horizon rainbowing his shoulder, Bud Shank is the happiest these days. Opening at the Haig in Hollywood with his new quartet and after a month ready to hit the Eastern circuit, Bud feels that 1956 will be his year. And Claude Williamson, equipped with his great pianistic and compositional talents will be with him. For this Bud is grateful. The two of them have worked together since 1947. And this consequential musical sympathy plus the added zest of two comparative newcomers from San Francisco, [drummer] Gus Gustafson and [bassist] Max Hartstein proffer prospects for a successful swinging group. They will be recording an album while at the Haig for Pacific Jazz.


Bud says that they plan to stay out as long as they can. He's kind of anxious to get back East, not having been there to work for four or five years. There is no particular new-sound signaling here. "Just to play as good music as possible.""Decided we can get the variety of sound necessary with Claude's accomplishments and the use of flute and alto. It's hard to keep the sound of a quartet from being monotonous but I think we have licked this problem. Claude will do the greater part of the arranging. I will do the things for flute of course. You have to be specially careful about the material used for this instrument. We have no set idea in mind, just create good music." I asked him how he felt about being named in the Poll for flute. He said he was quite surprised, and although he would rather be identified with alto saxophone, it was indeed an honor to be named First Anything.


Quotes: You mentioned you would rather be rated as the first alto player . . . I mean . . . what's the matter with flute?"


"It's just that I feel that jazz is the reason for the saxophone existence, and that's what I am. A jazz alto player, not a jazz flute player, primarily."


What do you think of the Saxophone Quartet of Paris?


"It's nice. But I would rather hear a woodwind quartet. The sound isn't what I would like ... as far as legitimate music is concerned."


Bud started playing clarinet at ten, saxophone at thirteen, majored in music at die University of North Carolina, studied with various teachers and recently composition with Shorty Rogers. This for two years. His hobby is sports cars. Would like to build one some time. Interested in horses as a little boy. Grew up on a farm. Goes back every year. As a little boy wanted to be a farmer. Until he heard music. Said his family was musical in a way. I asked him what kind of music: "Oh ... I don't know . . . something like Look Out Kayser Bill (or When Frances Dances with me Hully Gee). Yeh, that's it. That type of music."


What's your favorite band?


"Big Band?


"It's got to be Count Basie . . . that's since adolescence up until now and probably will for the next twenty years!"


Bud is there anything that displeases you jazzwise these days?


"Yes! There is a tremendous leaning towards a sort of pseudo-intellectual too-cool approach. And this you might say is great in some ways . . . because it's done a lot for business. It's done a lot to bring people, who have classed jazz as something vulgar, to listen more, open their minds. But, still, groups that base their entire thing with this in mind, I think are losing the basic part of jazz, which to me is: it's got to swing! and without developing or making use of emotion, well to me it's entirely useless, except as an economic thing."


Well do you think it's because they are afraid of their own emotion?


"It could be, they just don't have any. That's all I can say. I don't know. It seems they never get down to good emotional funky type of swinging. They never seem to bother to get around to it. It's the same constant sound, appealing to the people with six buttons up and down their coats and striped vests and that click. It's very nice. But where's the music? To me, it's just not honest."


You mean it's not honest jazz?


"Well it's not honest music. And that's what jazz is. It's got to be honest or it isn't jazz-music. Using another terminology, they're a little bit too cool in their ways of thinking. But there is an audience for this type as proved by the success of a few of these groups. But still, they're . . ."


... So cool . . . they're frigid almost . . .


"Yeh, that's it ... there is no warmth, no emotion, no nothing. It could all be written out and it would be the same. No spontaneity. To me all the things that are important to a good jazz group are lacking here!"


Bud as a final question and an important one, do you feel there is any one particular phase of musical education that is important to young musicians?


"I feel that all parts of music, knowledge and study of their instrument, composition, tone development, everything and anything to do with music is important. A well rounded, complete education is of greatest importance."


(Sounds pretty sound to me, coming from a guy who's swinging success is based on sound itself.)”


Fran  Kelley
METRONOME
February 1956


Prior to the formation of his quartet with Claude Williamson, both Bud and Claude worked in bassist Howard Rumsey's Lighthouse All-Stars and you can hear them performing "Maid in Mexico" recorded in performance on 9.13.1953  on the following video along with by Chet Baker and Rolf Ericsson [tp], Bob Cooper and Jimmy Giuffre [ts], and Max Roach [dr].



The Genius of Louis Armstrong - Volume 1: 1923-1933 [Columbia G 30416 double LP]

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© -Steven Cerra, copyright protected; all rights reserved.


"You are too young to know the impact Louis had in the 1920s," he said. "By the time you were old enough to appreciate Louis, you had been hearing those who derived from him. You cannot imagine how radical he was to all of us. Revolutionary. He defined not only how you play a trumpet solo but how you play a solo on any instrument. Had Louis Armstrong never lived, I suppose there would be a jazz, but it would be very different."
- Artie Shaw, clarinettist and band leader


At the time of the release of The Genius of Louis Armstrong - Volume 1: 1923-1933 [Columbia G 30416 double LP] in 1971 as part of “The John Hammond Collection,” double LP “gatefold” edition vinyls were still fairly rare, especially those offering a career retrospective of what might be termed a founding Jazz giants.


I suspect that the 1971 issue date on The Genius of Louis Armstrong - Volume 1:1923-1933 might have had a lot to do with the fact that Louis died on July 6th of that year.


But whatever the factors that prompted its issuance, and never being one to quibble about new issues of recorded music as far as Pops was concerned, anyway, I snapped up my copy as soon as it hit the bins of my neighborhood record store [remember those?].


In addition to the fabulous retrospective of Louis’ recorded music from the first decade of his professional career, much to my delight I found that the liner notes were composed by Don DeMichael. Don had at one time served as the editor-in-chief for Downbeat magazine and always composed writings about the music that were insightful and discerning.


As a note in passing, although all of the music on these recordings has since been issued in a digital format, the fidelity on these vinyls is exquisite, so much so that I urge you to seek out a copy of the double LP [I found many affordable copies on eBay].


“When on June 28, 1928, Louis Armstrong unleashed to spectacular cascading phrases of the introduction to West End Blues. he established the general stylistic direction of jazz for several decades to come. Beyond that, this performance also made clear that jazz could never again revert to being solely an entertainment or folk music.”


“That's the way Gunther Schuller. a leading modern composer, sees Armstrong. Other musicians and critics see him in different lights -there are many Armstrongs — but all observers agree that what he accomplished in the '20s almost single-handedly determined the course of American music His breathtakingly lyrical trumpet improvisations soared like eagles over his often plodding accompaniment. His musical conception was far ahead of that of most contemporaries and revealed a natural artistry seldom found in any art form. So pervasive was his influence that an era of jazz — the swing period —was almost totally a celebration of Louis Armstrong. The direction ie set is still very much of importance.


"Louis has been through all kinds of styles…." Miles Davis said a few years ago. "You know you can't play anything on a horn that Louis hasn't played —I mean even modern."


Fortunately. Armstrong recorded prolifically during the '20s It is possible to hear his development unfold almost monthly, as he progresses from a talented but limited follower of King Oliver to master of all he surveyed. The records in this album show this fascinating development; one can hear how he prunes this, adds that, shaping his art as if it were a piece of sculpture
His growth had four stages: 1) the emergence from the New Orleans style of King Oliver: 2) after he had set down the basic precepts of his style and began polishing and perfecting them within the New Orleans context: 3) the leap into virtuosity and experimentation; and 4) bringing together the best of the previous concepts into one astonishing whole. His musical conception went from simplicity to complexity and back to a simplicity that echoed the first but was far more advanced harmonically, melodically and rhythmically.

The most striking development of his work during the '20s was his increasing use of legato, which he managed to do without losing the heat and power that marked even his earliest work. Long notes. usually followed by short, rapidly descending phrases, became an Armstrong hallmark from 1927. As he perfected this highly dramatic device, the notes became longer, reaching something of a record in Mahogany Hall Stomp (1929). when he held one for 12 bars.


In his book Early Jazz (Oxford University Press). Schuller pointed out the outstanding musical aspects of Armstrong: "His superior choice of notes .. incomparable basic quality of tone ...and sense of swing and, perhaps his most individual contribution, the subtly varied repertory of vibratos and shakes with which Armstrong colored and embellished individual notes.”


Many other musicologists have analyzed the Armstrong genius, sometimes missing the main point: the rare beauty and artistry of Armstrong's work during the '20s stands as an achievement yet to be matched.


The earliest record in this set is Mandy, Make Up Your Mind, made with Clarence Williams' Blue Five on December 17, 1924, while Armstrong was a sideman with Fletcher Henderson's orchestra. (Armstrong had come from New Orleans to Chicago to join King Oliver's Creole Jazz Band in August. 1922. but left two years later to go with Henderson's big band in New York.)

Armstrong uses a straight mute throughout the performance and leads the ensemble gracefully but forcefully, never letting his variations obscure the melody.


"If a cat can play a beautiful lead nowadays, he's in business ..." Armstrong said in 1965 "That's the first thing Joe Oliver told me when he listened to me play He used to come around the honky-tonks where I was playing [in New Orleans] in the early teens.


I'd say. 'What lead?''You play some lead on that horn, let the people know what you're playing.'"

Youthful enthusiasm shoots through Mandy, not only in Armstrong's hot playing but in the equally torrid sarrusophone solo by another New Orleanian. Sidney Bechet. who normally played soprano saxophone and clarinet rather than the odd-sounding sarrusophone.


Bechet once recalled the products of the Blue Five recording sessions as "something you could listen to and not have to do no waiting for the music to arrive, because it was arriving. They had that feeling right there. In the old days there wasn't no one so anxious to take someone else's run. We were working together. Each person, he was the other person's music: You could feel that really running through the band, making itself up and coming out so new and strong. We played as a group then."


When Armstrong arrived back in Chicago in November, 1925 he plunged almost immediately into a flurry of recording work. His wife, Lillian, a better businesswoman than pianist, had secured a job for them at the Dreamland Cafe and, one presumes, had laid the groundwork for the recording sessions. The most famous records from this period, and the ones that first established Armstrong in the entertainment world, were by his Hot Five.

Armstrong picked up considerable extra recording work by accompanying a raft of singers, who ranged from inept to adequate. He was no stranger to backing vocalists: he had done much of it during his stay with Henderson, including some memorable sides with the marvelous Bessie Smith. In Chicago, however, he was something of house cornetist, probably at the behest of Richard M. Jones, a pianist and composer who also was sort of an A&R man for Okeh Records.


Though he was adventurous on the Hot Five recordings. Armstrong reverted to a simpler style for most of his blues accompaniments Certainly the two included here—Lonesome, All Alone And Blue and Bridwell Blues—find him in that frame of mind He seems uncomfortable in the Chippie Hill performance, perhaps because of the rather bland tune and pedestrian piano, but manages to gel off a few nice phrases behind the vocal and an Oliverish solo. His first fill after the solo is the record's most delightful moment.


Nolan Welsh, one of the few male singers Armstrong accompanied, is almost a country blues singer, and Armstrong seems at ease with the material, tossing off several daring fills and contributing an utterly relaxed solo.


His solos with the Hot Five were different from the ones he played as an accompanist, as well they might be, since it was his band and his name on the label. The original Hot Five was a congenial group of New Orleanians (except for Lil) whose repertoire consisted basically of the type of songs its members had cut their musical teeth on years before. There is charming casualness and joi de vive about the Hot Five that probably stemmed from the rather off-handed way in which the sessions were conducted.


"Our recording session would start this way." trombonist Kid Ory recalled "The Okeh people would call up Louis and say they wanted so many sides They never told him what numbers they wanted or how they wanted them. Then Louis would give us the date, and sometimes he'd call me and say I'm short of a number for this next session. Do you think you can get one together? I'd say all right, and that's the way Savoy Blues came to be composed, two days before we recorded.


"We would gel to the studio at nine or ten in the morning…. In the beginning we made records acoustically, and there was a separate horn for each man The recording engineer would motion us if we were playing too loud or too soft, and then we'd know.


"When we'd get in the studio, if we were going to do a new number, we'd run over it a couple of times before we recorded it. We were a very fast recording band. In fact, the records I made with the Hot Five were the easiest I ever made. We spoiled very few records, only sometimes when one of us would forget the routine or the frame-up and didn't come in when he was supposed to Even then we'd try to cover up. . . "


Johnny St. Cyr's Oriental Strut is fairly typical of the Hot Five records   some innocent hokum: (the Near Eastern banjo effect), loosely-knit polyphonic ensemble, some stop-time (a favorite Armstrong device and one which always spun him into a great improvisation) and solos all around.


The trumpet solo on Oriental Strut shows Armstrong to be ahead of the New Orleans game. He runs chords and moves his line over the full range of his horn (one phrase may go an octave or more) more often than the other horn men, and, perhaps more important, he wasn't tied to playing on the beat, frequently using offbeats to propel his lines.   
                                                              
The other Hot Five performance in this set, Once in a While, is from a much later session, and the musical freedom and sophistication Armstrong had brought to his work in 1926 is even more pronounced. His stop-time solo is preceded by a four-note pickup (then part of the Armstrong style) and the solo itself dashes equally over the broadly-syncopated background. It's almost a conversation between Armstrong and the other members of the band in a New Orleans context. Armstrong’s musical imagination stretched so far that, at times, he sounded out of place in the older musical style.


This yearning for the horizon can often be heard in the Hot Seven (the Five, plus tuba player Peter Briggs and drummer Baby Dodds) records made during one creative week in May. 1927. The all-out fast choruses are practically high flying trumpet solos with accompaniment instead of collective efforts. The addition of drums seemed to inspire Armstrong, and some of his best work on these records is bounced off the unwavering afterbeat provided by Dodds' thick ride cymbal. The two create a rocking swing on Willie The Weeper and on Weary Blues. Armstrong seems almost in a frenzy as Dodds whips him to ever greater heights. Drums also made it possible tor Armstrong to stop being his own rhythm section (the Hot Five's banjo and piano team was somewhat thin, to say the least) and allowed him to inject an implied double-time in his Alligator Crawl solo which is remarkable rhythmically because of the subtle way Armstrong mixes the original tempo with double-time.


Wild Man Blues. SOL Blues and Potato Head Blues are stunning. On these, Armstrong and clarinetist Johnny Dodds are without peer - Armstrong exploring the simple chord structure in a manner much different from the way he did a few years earlier, Dodds keeping within the narrower framework of the old style but displaying his mastery of the idiom, nonetheless The two are the only soloists on the haunting Wild Man, and their incorporation of double-time breaks within the deeply melancholy mainstream is masterly.


Armstrong's chorus is marked by an adroit and effortless use of tension and release, the basis for all art. His finely-honed sense of when to let up and when to tie knots in his lines never left him after this time. An even more explicit use of this artistic device comes in S.O.L. as he holds a high note and then releases the tension it has built with short, complex descending phrases that set up another tension, which he releases by going back to the held note, and so on. This solo is so perfectly conceived that numerous trumpet players played it note for note.


Armstrong's stop-time Potato Head solo was widely acclaimed. Richard B. Hadlock, in his book Jazz Masters Of The 20's (Macmillan). which includes one of the best essays on Armstrong, described it this way:


“Using basic phrases made up of simple eighth-note and quarter-note patterns, a few dotted eighths, and some triplets, Louis organizes his musical thoughts in a truly remarkable way. Hit solo is triumph of subtle syncopation and rhythmic enlightenment, strong beats on weak beats and whole phrases placed against rather than on the pulse create a delightful tension. This tension is suddenly released with an incisive on-the-beat figure, which in turn leads to more tension-building devices Thus does Armstrong build the emotional pitch of the solo over a full chorus.”


In the middle of the Hot Seven sessions. Armstrong recorded one side. Jelly Roll Morton's Chicago Breakdown, with the Carroll Dickerson band, in which he played at the Sunset Cafe on Chicago's south side. [Earl “Fatha”] Hines was also a member. Already the two were making musical magic together.


The performance is bogged down somewhat by the tricky arrangement (the Sunset was a show club, not a jazz club), but Armstrong and Hines are in fine fettle. Armstrong's somber solo is laced with offbeats and is placed within a combination of stop-time and afterbeats, which must have delighted him. There also is a tender moment in the generally uproarious performance when Armstrong solos with only guitar accompaniment, a change-of-pace device he was to use occasionally during the next two years (eg. A Monday Date, Squeeze Me and Mahogany Hall Stomp).


Armstrong had found a musical brother in young Hines (he was 22 at the time Chicago Breakdown was recorded), and the pianist undoubtedly influenced Armstrong, not only harmonically, but also rhythmically. In fact, Hines was instrumental in convincing Armstrong to join the Dickerson band


"I went on the road with Carroll Dickerson," Hines recalled recently "and when we came back we were going into the Sunset. Two of us from the band were going to rehearsal and ran into Louis.” ‘Where you going. Louie? You working?)' And he said, no, but he was going back with King Oliver. Jokingly we said. 'Why don't you come over here with us young fellows?' And he did. After a while, the Sunset let Dickerson go and gave the band to Louis. I was musical director "


The Sunset Cafe period was a turning point in Armstrong's career. His fame increased, his showmanship began to approach perfection and most importantly, his musical ideas became ever more daring, thanks in large part, one suspects, to Hines.


"We had the same ideas about music." Hines said "Louis and I used to exchange ideas nightly. He'd do something I liked, and I'd steal it. smile and say. ‘Thank you.’ And he'd do the same with me. So we played practically in the same channel. We had the same feeling, the same ideas—only mine were on piano and his on trumpet.


"We explored an awful lot. That was the fun part of it — stretching out, finding new chords, new ideas. That meant a lot of the stuff Louis used in his solos sometimes meant that he didn’t know know where he was; he was taking so many chances.”


“We'd do head arrangements when we had the small group for recording. Every man knew his position—the trombonist knew he carried the third part, the clarinetist knew he had the second part, and trumpet naturally carried the lead. It was very simple and easy to follow because Louis stood very strong on his melody. And I used to emphasize the chord as heavy as I could: so it was very seldom that they'd run out of the range of the chord "


The chord structure of the music came more to the fore in Armstrong's style during this time. Schuller believes this was the result of "maturing musicality, which saw the jazz solo in terms not of a pop-tune more or less embellished, but of a chord progression generating a maximum of creative originality. Louis' solo conception developed in exact proportion to the degree his solos departed from the original tune. His later solos all but ignored the original tune and started with only the chord changes given "


The Armstrong and Hines collaborations in 1926 produced the most adventurous of all the trumpeter's recordings, and are almost avant-garde compared to what other jazz musicians were playing at the time.


"We were allowed to do what we wanted to do as long as we wanted to do it." Hines said of the recording dates. "The record company people would come up to us after we'd finished something and say, 'Is that it? You satisfied with that? If you're not, that's okay; we'll stay here as long as you want.' Many times we spent hours and hours recording "


The 19 recordings by the small group with Hines were made at two sessions, one in June and the other in December, 1928. This album has seven of them, three of which (Beau Koo Jack, Fireworks and Save It, Pretty Mama) have not been available on LP in the United States before.


The most astonishing of the Armstrong-Hines records is West End Blues. The opening cadenza may well have been what Armstrong referred to on his 70th birthday, when he is supposed to have said about one of his old recordings: "Nobody ever played anything like it before—and nobody ever played anything like it after," or words to that effect.


Schuller, in near ecstasy, described it in his book:


“Louis' West End Blues introduction consists of only two phrases . . . these two phrases alone summarize Louis' entire style and his contribution to jazz language. The first phrase startles us with the powerful thrust and punch of its first four notes. We are immediately aware of their terrific swing, despite the fact that these four notes occur on the beat, that is, are not syncopated, and no rhythmic frame of reference is set for us is set (the solo being unaccompanied). These four notes should be heard by all people who do not understand the difference between Jazz and other music, or those who question the uniqueness ol the element of swing. These notes as played by Louis - not as they appear in notation - are as instructive a lesson in what constitutes swing as jazz has to offer. The way Louis attacks each note, the quality and exact duration of each pitch, the manner in which he releases the note, and the subsequent split-second silence before the next note — in other words the entire acoustical pattern — present in capsule form all the essential characteristics ol jazz inflection.”


Armstrong used elements of the opening cadenza in the first-chorus ensemble (which is somewhat removed musically from the old Hot Five ensemble, since the other two horns created textures more than counter lines). He again referred to the cadenza in his magnificent closing statement. In between came a wordless, almost-romantic vocal in response to low-register clarinet murmurings and a dreamy, Debusseyesque Hines solo. Armstrong's final solo is conceptually similar to his earlier one on S O L. except the artistic daring (one is tempted to say audacity) is staggering. He creates a delicious suspense by holding a high B-flat for four bars and then shattering the tension with jagged, broken runs of dotted 16th and 32nd notes that leave you wondering if he will ever be able to pull it off.


It is evident that the Armstrong blood was hot at these sessions his mind racing from idea to idea, his facility at a peak. Nothing lay beyond his grasp; whatever idea came to him was instantly shaped. polished and inserted into the music And the music flies thick and fast on Fireworks and Beau Koo Jack, an exceptional arrangement by its composer, pianist Alex Hill, and a performance that included what may be Armstrong's most rapidly-articulated improvisation. Armstrong seems to be reveling in the sheer joy of playing for playing's own sake.


His vocals also took on a different coloring on the Hines records. Before (and after), many of his vocals served as broad comic relief— That's When I'll Come Back To You by the Hot Seven is a good example—but with Hines. he seemed to look upon himself as a crooner. Except for some obvious discomfort with the lyrics to Sugar Foot Strut, he brought off the crooning, combining it beautifully with some wild scat breaks on Squeeze Me.


His trumpet solo after the wordless vocal on Squeeze Me is like honey flowing — big, broad tone coupled with a sweeping majesty. He was to bring this approach to perfection in his big-band days. Hines' contribution to the recordings is immeasurable. His style of accompaniment lightened the texture of the rhythm section, setting up a pulse (with telling help from drummer Zutty Singleton) that drove the horns without becoming ponderous. He plays several brilliantly conceived, off-the-wall solos ….


Armstrong's small band days were numbered. Big bands had been an important part of the musical world during the '20s, and Armstrong was featured in several Chicago theaters. In the summer of 1928. he rejoined Dickerson's for a run at the Savoy Ballroom on the south side.


The band made one record, which was originally issued only in Argentina. All the men in the first Armstrong-Hines small band were on the date, made the day after Armstrong turned 28. One of the two sides recorded that day was Savoyageur's Stomp, an elaboration on Muskrat Ramble. Except for the rhythmically adventurous Hines solo and a smeary, lazily floating Armstrong solo, the performance is a period piece. Nonetheless, it was a forerunner of the approach Armstrong used when he took a step up in show business and became an international star, always featured with a big band behind him.


Late in 1928 or early 1929, he and the Dickerson men borrowed twenty dollars apiece from Lil Armstrong and left Chicago and went to New York. When they arrived, they found that Armstrong's fame among musicians had preceded them.


"We got to New York on Friday and by Sunday we'd lined up a job for that afternoon." Singleton has said "Duke Ellington was playing the Audubon Theater in the Bronx, but he couldn't make the first show ... So our band played it.


The pit band looked pretty surprised when the curtain went up and there we were on the stage. But then Louis played the St. Louis Blues and I saw something I'll never forget as long as I live. When he finished, even the band in the pit stood up and applauded for him. It was a wonderful, wonderful reception "


"We opened at Connie's Inn and stayed there six months." Armstrong once recalled "All the musicians came up and gave me a very beautiful wrist watch. Every musician from downtown was there that night. What a memory of those fine days."


Armstrong soon began the series of big band records that always found him in excellent form and usually employing a simpler style than that on the wilder Hines records or even the Hot Five and Seven performances.


The first date produced a classic, Mahogany Hall Stomp. Pops Foster, the superb bassist on the record, claimed that "it took all day to get that thing right." It was certainly worth the effort. There is an exquisite three-chorus Armstrong solo that could serve as a primer on how to swing The first chorus uses short motifs that dissolve into a 12-bar held note (with some lovely Lonnie Johnson guitar underpinning), which gives way to a perfectly-placed five-note riff that Armstrong repeats six times, setting up a tension that he winds tighter and tighter The performance also has excellent solos by trombonist J C Higginbotham and alto saxophonist Charlie Holmes (the New York musicians were superior to the Chicago brothers, except, of course, Hines).


The big-band records were eagerly snatched up by Armstrong's growing public. Mezz Mezzrow. an old friend of the trumpeter, did his bit to help the popularity grow:


"[The records] hit the juke boxes fast, and they rocked all Harlem Everywhere we went we got the proprietor to install more boxes, and they all blared Louis, Louis, and more Louis. The Armstrong craze spilled over from Harlem right after that, and before long there wasn't a jukebox in the country that Louis wasn't scatting on."


Certainly his singing was one of the reasons for Armstrong's popularity, but his ability (and eagerness) to hit high notes was of equal importance. He had developed his facility to the point where he could knock off an F above high C with ease, a feat unheard of at the time. The big-band records almost always included at least one of these stratospheric flights, usually at the climax of the performance. He occasionally used the high notes to startle, but more often incorporated them into a logical musical progression.


Trumpeter Roy Eldridge remembers the first time he heard Armstrong and the effect the upper-register passages had on him. It was 1932 at the Lafayette theater in New York, and the tune was Chinatown.


"He started out like a new book, building and building, chorus alter chorus, and finally reaching a full climax, ending on his high F. It was a real climax, right, clean, clear The rhythm was rocking, and he had that sound going along with it. Everybody was standing up. including me. He was building the thing all the time instead of just playing in a straight line. "


Armstrong's trumpet solos on this album's big-band tracks build much in the same manner — a gradual reaching upward, never straining but always flowing, the phrases growing more urgent, until they come to a sunburst-like climax. Those on The Lonesome Road, I'm A Ding Dong Daddy. Kickin’ The Gong Around and Lawd, You Made The Night Too Long are among his finest, culminations of all that had gone before, the mature offerings of a musician of rare genius, a musician far removed from his beginnings.


On the day Armstrong died, Earl Hines tried to put into words his feelings about his friend:


"The man loved his horn and he lived his horn. All his expression was in his music. Louis was just a natural. The Man Upstairs intended him to be that. The world lost a champion when it lost Louis Armstrong. And I mean the world not just the United States. He had an awful lot of soul … an awful lot of soul.”


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